Human Trafficking and Exploitation

– in the Scottish Parliament at on 13 June 2017.

Alert me about debates like this

Photo of Linda Fabiani Linda Fabiani Scottish National Party

The next item of business is a debate on motion S5M-06031, in the name of Michael Matheson, on human trafficking and exploitation—making Scotland a hostile place for traffickers and providing effective support for victims.

Photo of Michael Matheson Michael Matheson Scottish National Party

The motion sets out the Scottish Government’s objective to make Scotland an increasingly hostile place for those who traffic and exploit other human beings and to make the support that we provide to victims more effective.

Human trafficking and exploitation are abhorrent crimes and they are abuses of human rights. Trading adults and children as commodities and exploiting them for profit or personal benefit degrades victims and causes lasting physical and psychological damage.

No one should be subject to such treatment and no country should tolerate it happening within its borders. Victims may not be imprisoned in a physical sense, but they are imprisoned psychologically—trapped in their circumstances and often hidden in plain sight.

The inventiveness of those who peddle human misery in this area is unfortunately astounding. Commercial sexual exploitation, labour exploitation, forced drug cultivation, domestic servitude and sham marriages are just some examples of the types of exploitation that can take place.

The Human Trafficking and Exploitation (Scotland) Act 2015, which the Parliament passed unanimously, created a new consolidated offence in order to support our police and prosecutors in tackling human trafficking and exploitation. The 2015 act provides for the protection and support of victims; it also provides for orders that disrupt the activities of perpetrators.

As required by the 2015 act, I laid Scotland’s first trafficking and exploitation strategy before the Parliament on 31 May 2017. The strategy sets out how we can get better at identifying and supporting victims, at identifying perpetrators and disrupting their activity, at addressing the broader conditions that foster trafficking, and at raising awareness across the board.

The strategy includes a specific section that covers the particular needs of child trafficking victims. Children depend on adults for their care and are more vulnerable to coercion and abuse. Sadly, children are trafficked into Scotland, but children who are born and bred here can also fall prey to trafficking and exploitation. Support and protection for child victims in Scotland are generally provided within the context of Scotland’s child protection system. However, the strategy sets out a number of specific actions to strengthen our response to child victims, including the implementation of the elements of the 2015 act that involve children.

The strategy was developed by a wide range of stakeholders. That inclusive approach has drawn praise, including from Kevin Hyland, the Independent Anti-Slavery Commissioner, and I put on record my thanks to all who contributed to the development of the strategy.

Most important, the strategy reflects the views of victims themselves. They have told us about the psychological and physical scars that they bear as a result of their experience. I am determined to ensure that we continue to reflect victims’ views and that we put in place a strategy that is informed by their experience alongside that of other stakeholders. The implementation of the strategy will reflect those views in the weeks and months ahead.

I take this opportunity to highlight some of the very specific measures that we are taking. As members of the Justice Committee will be aware, new court orders are being introduced to disrupt trafficking activity: trafficking and exploitation prevention orders will come in on 30 June this year, and trafficking and exploitation risk orders will come in on 31 October this year. The orders will give the police, prosecutors and the courts further options to target those who are responsible for human trafficking and exploitation, making Scotland an increasingly hostile environment for perpetrators.

We will also be taking forward an awareness-raising campaign, which will be launched later this year. During the consultation on the strategy, victims of trafficking told us that they wanted the public to know and understand what had happened to them. We are, therefore, working with a range of partners to develop the campaign over the coming months.

We need to ensure that we continue to improve the support that is available to victims of trafficking. Today, I can announce that I intend to lay regulations that will extend the length of time for which adult victims of trafficking who are recovered in Scotland will be provided with support. If the victim consents to the provision of support, the Council of Europe requires a minimum period of 30 days for reflection and recovery. Currently, Scotland and the other countries in the United Kingdom provide a minimum of 45 days of support. However, in Scotland, we will now go further, and the regulations that I intend to lay before Parliament will specify a period of 90 days. The majority of those who responded to our consultation on that proposal highlighted a period of 90 days as being a key step towards meeting the aims that are set out in the strategy to support victims to safely recover.

Photo of Jamie Greene Jamie Greene Conservative

If the Government extends that period, will it provide additional funding to the third sector organisations that support victims of trafficking, specifically the trafficking awareness-raising alliance—TARA—Migrant Help and the anchor centre?

Photo of Michael Matheson Michael Matheson Scottish National Party

Yes, we will, in order to reflect that step.

I have taken time to reflect on the responses that we received during the consultation and to consider the evidence that was put forward, including the counterarguments against moving to a 90-day period. However, I believe that the commitment to a 90-day period will ensure that we are doing as much as possible to support victims of human trafficking in Scotland, and I encourage Governments across the rest of the UK to follow our lead in this area

When Parliament was considering the Human Trafficking and Exploitation (Scotland) Bill, there was a great deal of pressure inside and outwith Parliament to mirror the English system of a statutory defence for victims. I resisted that proposal because I was of the view that what we were proposing in Scotland—Lord Advocate’s instructions and the presumption against prosecution—would be of greater benefit to victims of trafficking.

Last October, the anti-trafficking monitoring group published a report called “Class Acts?”, which compared the key provisions in the three UK human trafficking acts. It says that

The Lord Advocate’s Instructions ... provide an easily understood set of principles and guidelines on non-prosecution for lawyers and non-lawyers.”

It goes on to say that the group considers that to be “exemplary practice” and recommends that it be adopted in other UK jurisdictions. I believe that the report reinforces the benefits of the approach that we have taken in terms of Lord Advocate’s instructions and the presumption against prosecution in Scotland.

Although we have made great progress in tackling human trafficking and exploitation in Scotland, I am conscious that there is still a great deal of work to do. In 2016, 150 victims of trafficking and exploitation were recovered and supported in Scotland. That is not a huge number, but each of those individuals is a real person and may have suffered weeks, months or even years of abuse and exploitation. Further, those are just the ones we know about, which is an important point to make because, by its nature, human trafficking is a hidden crime.

Our strategy sets out the actions that we will take to maintain our approach to ensuring that Scotland remains a hostile environment for those who wish to perpetrate trafficking. Partnership will be key to doing that effectively. The united approach that has been taken across Europe to tackling the issue through law enforcement and support for victims has been key to the progress that has been achieved to date. Where we can form strong partnerships across borders, that will be of mutual benefit in targeting perpetrators and bringing them to justice, and in preventing the trafficking and re-trafficking of vulnerable people. I strongly believe that that cross-border co-operation must continue if we are to tackle the international trade in both adults and children who are trafficked and exploited.

Scotland’s first trafficking and exploitation strategy is a milestone on that journey, and I look forward to supporting victims who are identified in Scotland while ensuring that Scotland is a hostile place for those who traffic and exploit other human beings.

I move,

That the Parliament recognises that the abhorrent crimes of human trafficking and exploitation are an abuse of human rights and dignity, which can cause lasting physical and psychological damage to victims, both adults and children; recognises the cross-party support that exists to make Scotland a hostile place for those who traffic and exploit other human beings; welcomes the publication of Scotland’s first Trafficking and Exploitation Strategy on 30 May 2017; further welcomes the vision set out in the strategy to eliminate human trafficking and exploitation by identifying victims and supporting them to safety and recovery, identifying perpetrators and disrupting their activity, and addressing the issues that foster trafficking and exploitation; welcomes the contribution made by external stakeholders to the development of the strategy, including those who have directly experienced trafficking, and recognises the contribution that will continue to be made by stakeholders in its implementation.

Photo of Claire Baker Claire Baker Labour

I very much acknowledge the Government’s commitment in the matter, through this afternoon’s debate and the strategy. I start by thanking my colleague Jenny Marra MSP, who has done a great deal of work on human trafficking, including proposing a member’s bill. She has really helped to raise the profile of the crime, both in Parliament and among the public. She is on maternity leave at the moment, but I am confident that she would have made, had she been here today, a significant contribution to the debate.

Ms Marra’s consultation on her proposed bill received the support of more than 50,000 people, which is one of the highest response rates to any consultation since devolution. I appreciate that, in its motion, the Government is highlighting the cross-party support for tackling human trafficking in Scotland. It is important that we continue to achieve such cross-party support and that Parliament continues to speak with one voice in condemning these abhorrent crimes. We will support the Government motion tonight.

The 2015 act was significant in introducing a single offence and a maximum penalty of life imprisonment for people who are convicted. However, as was recognised during the passage of the Human Trafficking and Exploitation (Scotland) Bill, that can be only the start in dealing with traffickers. We are talking about the exploitation of some of the most vulnerable people in our society, including children. We are talking about crimes and about victims who often exist at the margins, who are invisible to the authorities and who are often unable to receive the support and justice that they deserve.

Much trafficking originates outside Scotland, with certain areas of the world becoming ever more volatile, which increases the risk of the crime and opportunities to engage in it, and I appreciate that there is only so much that we, as a Parliament, can do. Therefore, it is vital that we do everything possible. We therefore welcome the publication of the strategy, in these early days of planning. We must ensure that communities across Scotland are aware of traffickers, and we must ensure that there is no hiding place on the margins for those who wish to exploit vulnerable people.

Some work has been undertaken to make the public more aware of the effects of trafficking and recognise that it does happen in Scotland. I acknowledge the new measures that the cabinet secretary has outlined this afternoon. Trafficking in Scotland involves sexual exploitation, and there are also instances of domestic servitude, labour exploitation, organ removal and the operation of criminal gangs.

There was an increase in the number of potential victims of trafficking in Scotland last year, which could be attributed to the passing of the Human Trafficking and Exploitation (Scotland) Act 2015 and to a concerted effort to tackle the issue, but we must always be alert. As the strategy progresses, it is important that we continue to increase detection, but we must also be conscious that, ultimately, we all wish to eradicate human trafficking from Scotland and hope to see a downward trajectory in the numbers, at some point.

The statistics can tell us who are being trafficked, how they are being trafficked and where they are being trafficked. We know that the number of potential victims was split equally between male and female, and that 69 per cent were adults and 31 per cent were children. We also know that the majority of adult females who are trafficked are trafficked for sexual exploitation, and that female children are trafficked for a combination of domestic servitude and labour exploitation, whereas male adults and children are trafficked predominantly for labour exploitation. We need to ensure that the strategy and our efforts are as evidence based as they can be.

We are seeing some success, but it is potentially only the tip of the iceberg. Adults must give consent to enter the national referral mechanism, from which the statistics originate, but in many cases victims are reluctant to come forward because they are scared of retaliation against themselves in Scotland or against their families back home.

Often, we need to overcome language or cultural barriers, and there is the difficulty of many people being purposely isolated so that they are unaware of the help that is available. Although the figures are helpful, they do not capture the full extent of human trafficking in Scotland.

There are various ways of exploiting people: commercial sexual exploitation is one area in which we could take further action within the law. We need to challenge demand and we need to support the people who are used, which will means seriously considering criminalising the buying of sex, decriminalising people who are in prostitution, and providing long-term support and exit services for people who have been exploited through prostitution. That approach could work to disrupt the market for commercial sexual exploitation and feed into our work on tackling human trafficking.

I welcome the work that the Government and outside agencies have undertaken so far to ensure that the public are aware of the signs to look for if they suspect that someone is a victim of trafficking, including their physical appearance, their isolation, their restricted freedom of movement and the fact that they have few or no personal effects.

However, there is much work still to be done. Government polling from earlier this year shows that, although many people believe trafficking to be an issue, the closer it gets to home, the less they believe that it is happening near them. The polling shows that 63 per cent of people believe that trafficking is an issue in the rest of the world, 53 per cent believe that it occurs in Europe and 30 per cent believe that it occurs in the UK, but only 14 per cent believe that human trafficking is an issue in Scotland, and the figure drops to 5 per cent when people are asked about what happens in their local area.

As our amendment sets out, local authorities have a key role to play in tackling human trafficking and supporting recovery. As Jamie Greene mentioned, third sector organisations also play a vital role. At statute level, all child victims must be provided with support and protection, and the responsibility for co-ordinating such services lies with local authorities. They also have powers to identify and disrupt perpetrators of human trafficking. However, we must ensure that they are fully resourced and funded to be able to use their powers in relation to licensing of houses in multiple occupation and environmental health, and to fulfil the difficult task of looking after child victims. If we want the strategy to be effective, we must not continue to cut local authority budgets. We keep expecting our councils to do more and more with less and less, but that is not sustainable.

The same is true of our police. We have high expectations of them, and their role in modern Scotland is changing and becoming ever more complex. They are dealing with challenges that were unknown when this Parliament was re-established, and Police Scotland is under huge pressure financially and in terms of its governance and leadership. The strategy states that

“Police Scotland will appropriately record and investigate all reports of trafficking or exploitation as a crime”, which

“can inform the development of local services and processes.”

However, Unison reported this week that 500 Police Scotland vacancies are not being filled, including vacancies in areas that are at the forefront of tackling criminal activity.

The Scottish trafficking and exploitation strategy is a good strategy and we all hope that it will succeed, but we need to be confident that it will be supported and fully resourced. That is why we will support the Scottish Government’s motion today, and why I urge members also to support our amendment. [

Interruption

.]

I move amendment S5M-06031.1, to insert at end:

“; notes the role to be played by local authorities in tackling human trafficking, and believes that they, along with Police Scotland, must be properly resourced and funded to tackle trafficking and exploitation in communities.”

The Deputy Presiding Officer:

It is always useful to move an amendment if you wish it to be supported. [

Laughter

.]

Photo of Adam Tomkins Adam Tomkins Conservative

I am proud that the United Kingdom is a global leader in fighting the evil trade in human beings for sex and labour exploitation. We should all be proud of that. I am also proud that, as Home Secretary, Theresa May introduced the Modern Slavery Bill—the first of its kind in Europe—that she appointed the world’s first anti-slavery commissioner, and that she set up the modern slavery task force to bring together the heads of MI5, MI6 and the National Crime Agency to co-ordinate the United Kingdom’s response to criminal gangs operating across the world. The Modern Slavery Act 2015 has been described as

“an international benchmark to which other jurisdictions aspire”, and rightly so.

I am pleased, also, that Scotland is playing its part. The Human Trafficking and Exploitation (Scotland) Bill was introduced to Parliament six months after Theresa May’s Modern Slavery Bill was introduced in the House of Commons. The Scottish bill was passed with all-party support and we continue to support the act now that it is in operation. We will support both the Government’s motion and Claire Baker’s amendment at decision time today.

In introducing the milestone Modern Slavery Bill, Theresa May said:

“This landmark legislation sends the strongest possible signal to criminals that if you are involved in this vile trade you will be arrested, you will be prosecuted and you will be locked up. And it says to victims, you are not alone—we are here to help you.”

However, we must be mindful that legislative measures are a starting point, not a panacea. When the Human Trafficking and Exploitation (Scotland) Bill was introduced in Parliament in 2015, figures indicated that there were 55 victims of human trafficking in Scotland. That number has increased to 150, of whom almost a third are children. We know that there are many more victims of this hidden crime—possibly even thousands—who do not realise that they are being treated as mere commodities and are being mercilessly exploited, or who are unable or too frightened to come forward.

The UK’s Modern Slavery Act 2015 has had some time to bed in and was, in its first year of operation, reviewed by barrister Caroline Haughey. In her report, she succinctly encapsulated the complexities of human trafficking and the enormousness of the task that lies ahead across the UK’s jurisdictions. She observed that

“professionals can often miss the indicators of exploitation. This can be a resource-heavy area of investigation ... Human beings who are treated as a commodity are rarely ‘used’ for a single purpose. The offending associated with them”

—as the cabinet secretary said in his opening remarks—

“can include: sham marriages; identity fraud; false benefits claims; rape; false imprisonment; violence; and a range of other crimes. The evidence of those crimes is often voluminous”, which presents challenges of court management, especially as regards juries. Caroline Haughey continued:

“Victims often have multiple vulnerabilities: mental health issues, learning difficulties, financial desperation, alcohol or drug dependency. ... Many victims have a fear of authority figures ... or, come from cultures where those in uniform or associated with ... law enforcement have a negative reputation. ... Cases involving trafficking across borders require investigators and prosecutors to rely on data from organisations based overseas, which can be time-consuming and costly.”

We need to bring human trafficking out of the shadows, and I welcome the trafficking and exploitation strategy as the next step in preventing and combating this most degrading of crimes. Its multipronged approach to supporting and protecting victims, disrupting the activities of perpetrators and addressing the conditions that foster trafficking addresses many of the issues that Caroline Haughey touched on in her review of the UK legislation, but it will require close monitoring over the coming months and years to assess its impact on the ground.

Human trafficking is without doubt a challenging and complex crime that is constantly changing. We have made good progress in Scotland since the Human Trafficking and Exploitation (Scotland) Act 2015 was passed, when one senior Police Scotland officer described the force’s response to human trafficking as

“just fighting in the trenches”.

That progress cannot and should not be impeded by rigid thinking and static strategy; as Claire Baker’s amendment points out, adequate resourcing is key.

In the Conservatives’ view, we need to build on the successes of the recent legislative measures and to go further

“to focus on the exploitation of vulnerable men, women and children for their labour, people who are moved around our own country and between nations, as if they were not human at all.”

We know that most adult and child victims of trafficking in 2016 were exploited for labour, and a BBC documentary reported that people are now the second most lucrative criminal commodity, after drugs. That cannot be allowed in modern society, so the Scottish Conservatives will support action to ensure that it comes to an end once and for all.

The Deputy Presiding Officer:

We move to the open debate.

Photo of Ash Denham Ash Denham Scottish National Party

People are now the second most lucrative criminal commodity in Scotland. Members heard that correctly: according to a recent BBC documentary, the sale of human beings is second only to drugs as the most profitable business for criminals. Last year, nearly 4,000 people in the UK suffered at the hands of modern-day slavers and encountered violence, rape, mental abuse and forced labour. The Scottish Government has set forth an exhaustive strategy to stem the flow of trafficking in Scotland, and I particularly welcome the strategy’s focus on victim support and recovery.

As we debate how to make Scotland a hostile place for traffickers, I will speak about commercial sexual exploitation, which, along with forced labour, is the primary cause of human trafficking. Across the EU, human trafficking for the purpose of sexual exploitation is the most reported form of trafficking, according to a 2016 report from Europol.

In Scotland last year, 57 per cent of trafficked females—and many who are trafficked are children—were trafficked for the purposes of sexual exploitation. The business model is easy enough to understand. Prostitution is the market, the market creates demand and the demand fuels the need for more trafficking. Unlike a drug, a girl can be sold over and over to create huge profits.

The industries of trafficking and prostitution are linked, so to reduce one is to reduce the other. No market equals no demand, and no demand equals no trafficking. If Scotland is to become a hostile place for traffickers, we should therefore look at policy that will challenge the demand and reduce the market for prostitution.

That is why, at the Scottish National Party conference in March, we successfully passed a motion on a Scottish model for addressing prostitution. That policy would decriminalise the sale of sex, criminalise the purchase of sex and offer a means of support and exit for those who want to leave prostitution.

Challenging demand through legislation is required because research evidence has demonstrated that, even if punters suspected that a girl was under age and/or trafficked, that would not prevent the majority of them from going ahead. The demand-challenging policy, which is modelled on a law that was pioneered in Sweden in 1999, aims to protect the exploited and punish the exploiter. Such protection is critical, for as the United Nations definitions in relation to trafficking emphasise, victims are always in a position of vulnerability with no alternative but to submit to abuse.

Unfortunately, Scotland is in a position where the need is becoming more urgent. We are surrounded by countries—Ireland, Northern Ireland, Sweden, Norway, Iceland and France—that have adopted the Nordic-style model for addressing prostitution. Over a decade, Sweden cut its demand for prostitution by half. Norway has also seen a reduction in the buying of sex and trafficking for sexual exploitation.

In a wire-tapped conversation that Swedish police recorded after Sweden had legislated on the issue, traffickers who were discussing potential locations said, “Don't bother with Sweden.” Traffickers do not care where they go as long as it is easy to do business. The more difficult we can make it for them, the better.

If sex traffickers are displaced from our neighbouring countries—Ireland and Northern Ireland recently passed such legislation—we must not let them turn to Scotland. In combating human trafficking as a whole, let us enact laws that punish rather than aid sexual exploitation. Together, let us ensure that human beings are never a top commodity for sale and exploitation. Let us send the message to sex traffickers that Scotland is closed to their business.

Photo of Oliver Mundell Oliver Mundell Conservative

As the motion states, human trafficking is one of the most abhorrent and truly inhumane of crimes. It seems alien to us and like something of the past, yet it is a practice that continues. It is murky and dark and it challenges our understanding of what human beings are capable of doing to others. However, we must not allow ourselves to believe that eradicating it is impossible. Like the overt slave trade that blights our past, modern slavery must be brought to an end.

Across the political divide in this chamber and across our United Kingdom, it is clear that all parties, all politicians and the overwhelming majority of our society recognise that such practices are plain wrong. They are an affront to us all and they are an affront to our humanity, which is why it is so important that we are united in taking steps to bring these vile practices to an end.

We only have to look at the recent BBC documentary that identified dozens of sham marriages in Scotland—70 were registered in Glasgow and a third were in the Govanhill district—to understand how current and relevant our actions and the strategy will be and how important it is that the Government, other organisations and stakeholders should come together to form a comprehensive plan of action to tackle the causes and bring the perpetrators to account.

Although 150 people in Scotland were officially recorded as victims of trafficking last year, many people who have experience of working in the area believe that the actual number of victims is in the thousands. That is not acceptable and we cannot afford to stand by.

I welcome the recent passage of the Human Trafficking and Exploitation (Scotland) Act 2015 and I understand that the implementation of some parts of the act is still on-going. Conservative members welcome that toughening of the law, the specific offences that have been created and the powers that the courts have been given to prevent trafficking and to punish those who carry it out, as well as the issuing of new instructions to prosecutors about how trafficking victims should be treated if they are alleged to have committed other offences.

However, alongside legislation we need to do more, and that is where putting in place a comprehensive strategy will help to bring together all the relevant agencies and to promote partnership working. The new 90-day period that the cabinet secretary outlined will give time for support to be delivered. In addition, the aims of the strategy will help to bring the issue out of the darkness and into the light, and it will focus people’s minds on identifying victims and perpetrators and disrupting the activity. It will also bring the local and global aspects of this heinous practice to the fore.

I welcome today’s debate and I look forward to seeing the strategy implemented in full. I hope that, in due course, we will have other such debates in which we look at how effective the implementation of the strategy has been. We must be mindful that the practice still exists on our watch and that inaction is therefore not an option.

Photo of Ruth Maguire Ruth Maguire Scottish National Party

Human trafficking and exploitation in any form are cruel and abhorrent abuses of human rights and dignity. It is incumbent on us as members of the Scottish Parliament and as a nation to do all that is in our power to make Scotland a hostile place for the vile individuals who traffic and exploit human beings, to ensure that those who are caught are brought to justice and to support victims and survivors.

For that reason, I strongly welcome the Human Trafficking and Exploitation (Scotland) Act, which the Parliament passed in 2015 to consolidate and strengthen the existing law. For the first time, there is now a single offence for all kinds of trafficking, the maximum penalty for trafficking is life imprisonment, and police and prosecutors have a more robust set of tools to prevent and detect trafficking and to bring to justice those who are responsible.

The 2015 act requires the Scottish ministers to develop and publish a strategy, and I welcome the publication of Scotland’s first trafficking and exploitation strategy last month. I look forward to working with colleagues across the chamber and groups across the country to implement its goals.

As with so many issues of exploitation, women and girls are disproportionately affected, particularly when it comes to commercial sexual exploitation. As the strategy states, Scottish figures on trafficking victims in 2016 show that female adults were trafficked mainly for the purposes of sexual exploitation. Figures that relate to children indicate that many more female than male victims will experience sexual exploitation.

Action area 3 of the strategy focuses on the need to

“Address the conditions, both local and global, that foster trafficking and exploitation.”

The conditions that underpin commercial sexual exploitation—women and girls being forced into sexual slavery—are clear. First and foremost, that is about demand; it is about a minority of people, who are predominantly men, wanting to buy sexual access to women and girls. TARA, which is a Scottish Government-funded organisation that provides support and assistance to adult victims of trafficking, is clear on that. It says:

“We know that women are trafficked into Scotland each year for commercial sexual exploitation. This encompasses all aspects of the sex industry including, lap and table dancing, stripping, prostitution, escort services, internet sex sites and pornography. ... Scotland has a flourishing sex industry and women are trafficked to meet the demand that it creates.”

That demand is in turn rooted in the deep and profound gender inequality that permeates society. That inequality allows women to be devalued as human beings; their bodies are objectified and commodified and then bought and sold, used and traded. Tackling the immediate demand and the deeper gender inequality that underpins it must be seen as a key tool in tackling the wider evil of human trafficking.

The outcome of the vision for the trafficking and exploitation strategy is to eliminate human trafficking and exploitation. The cabinet secretary describes the vision as

“challenging and ambitious, but also absolutely necessary.”

To have a hope of achieving that vision, we must address the harm that is caused by the sex industry. To end the exploitation, we have to end the demand. That will be challenging, but it is also absolutely necessary.

Photo of Mary Fee Mary Fee Labour

It would be remiss of me not to mention the contribution of my colleague Jenny Marra, who, as my colleague Claire Baker referred to, worked tirelessly to force the issue of human trafficking on to the Scottish Government’s agenda. The tone in the chamber has rightly been consensual. There is a clear commitment from parties of all colours to end the truly abhorrent crime of human trafficking.

Human trafficking is a stain on our society and an abuse of human rights and dignity. I reiterate Scottish Labour’s support for the Government’s strategy to tackle human trafficking and exploitation, which has the unequivocal aim of making Scotland a hostile place for human traffickers. However, along with my Scottish Labour colleagues, I note with concern the Scottish National Party’s cuts to local authorities and Police Scotland, which I am concerned may hinder the implementation and effectiveness of the strategy.

Human trafficking is degrading and dehumanising. There can be few worse crimes than a transaction involving the selling and exploitation of one human being by another. Quite simply, it is a human rights abuse. It is a crime lacking in humanity and one that is motivated by greed. Human trafficking relies on control, with victims often subject to grooming and violence from their traffickers. Make absolutely no mistake: human trafficking is a form of modern-day slavery.

I am sure that every member of the Scottish Parliament and all members of the public who watched last month’s BBC Scotland documentary “Humans for Sale” will have been touched by the immense suffering that is caused by this truly abhorrent and awful crime. The documentary revealed women’s harrowing experiences of sham marriages, rape and sexual exploitation. Europol has stated that Scotland is being specifically targeted by human traffickers, with victims, particularly young women, being recruited by organised crime gangs before being sold to potential grooms.

Across Scotland, a plethora of fantastic third sector and voluntary organisations are working to support victims of human trafficking. For example, there is the TARA service, which operates in the Glasgow region; Migrant Help and Childline, which operate across Britain; and the Scottish women’s rights centre, which has bases in Hamilton and Glasgow. Those organisations deserve recognition for their incredible work in offering support and advice to victims of human trafficking—undoubtedly, they are the best of us. They are full of humanity, and they are shining examples of hope, despite the fact that they operate in incredibly difficult circumstances.

As I come to a close, I reiterate Scottish Labour’s support for the Scottish Government’s trafficking and exploitation strategy. However, I must once again emphasise that the Scottish Government’s cuts to Police Scotland and local authorities risk hindering the implementation and effectiveness of the strategy. It is vital that this abhorrent crime—this human rights abuse and form of modern-day slavery—is ended once and for all. Scotland must become a hostile place for traffickers.

Photo of Kate Forbes Kate Forbes Scottish National Party

The word “slavery” conjures up history lessons in school and human beings transported and then used and abused for somebody else’s gain, but in another era and another world. We do not think about Scotland, in 2017. We do not think that there are more people in forced labour worldwide today than there were when abolitionist William Wilberforce was fighting to end slavery.

W hy is that? It is because we do not think twice about the teenager at the car wash, the young girl helping at the nail bar, the hard-working farm hand or the house with the suspiciously closed curtains.

Those people have been trafficked and enslaved into manual labour, domestic servitude, prostitution, pornography, forced begging, benefit fraud, criminality and organ removal. They are forced to work for little or no pay and live in poor conditions with minimal freedom.

That is happening in Scotland in 2017 and the Scottish Government’s human trafficking and exploitation strategy’s three action areas—identifying the victims, identifying the perpetrators and identifying the partners that we need to work with—cannot be delivered soon enough. They cannot be delivered soon enough for the mother and daughter from eastern Europe who are locked in a room to serve the men who come and rape them at the same time, or for the workers at a hotel in a remote Highland village who have paid thousands to come from Bangladesh and find themselves working from 5 am to midnight without pay or freedom. Nor can they be delivered soon enough for the Slovakian girls who have been lured into sham marriages or sold to Glasgow gangs for sex, or for the 16-year-old Vietnamese boy found cowering in bushes in Dumbarton, who had probably been trafficked to Russia and then to Scotland. For each of those genuine cases whose stories we know because they have been rescued, there are thousands more. They are not just out there somewhere but here in Scotland, often most hidden because we are still ignorant of the problem.

I am delighted that the Scottish Government’s strategy identifies the need for partnership at every level—locally and globally, politically and socially. One such partner could be International Justice Mission, which works with justice systems throughout the world to rescue victims, bring criminals to justice, restore survivors and strengthen justice systems. It is the largest anti-slavery organisation in the world and, most importantly, it works across borders.

I will finish with two stories of freedom. They highlight the freedom that we long for for every human being in Scotland and throughout the world. They also highlight the importance of working across borders.

In 2015, a man living in London was convicted of sexually exploiting children via a webcam and possessing more than 4,000 indecent images of children. On the other side of the world, International Justice Mission worked with the police to rescue four children, including seven-year-old Maarko, who were held as slaves in the Philippines. They had been trafficked to meet cybersex demands by paedophiles in the UK. Maarko and the others are now in a Government aftercare shelter in the Philippines and enrolled in school.

A rescue operation in India, which involved the Indian police and IJM, rescued 564 children, women and men from forced labour slavery at a massive brick factory in Chennai. The families lived in tiny tents or rooms and earned less than £5 a week, with pregnant women expected to work as well. It is reported that a Government officer asked the crowd of workers, “Who wants to go free?” and was met with a stunned silence. Slowly, one man raised his hand. Then another did so and, before long, dozens of tired hands had shot into the air.

There are thousands of tired hands across the world waiting for freedom. That is why we need the strategy to deliver it.

Photo of Christine Grahame Christine Grahame Scottish National Party

Thank you very much, Ms Forbes. I was loth to interrupt those two examples, which were telling.

Photo of John Finnie John Finnie Green

I join colleagues in recognising the work of Jenny Marra in the field.

Presiding Officer, as convener of the Justice Committee in the previous parliamentary session, you led the scrutiny of the Human Trafficking and Exploitation (Scotland) Bill. The reality is self-evident from our stage 1 report on that bill, in which we quote a Scottish Parliament information centre briefing, and from what we have heard. However, it is worth repeating the quotation:

“Victims of human trafficking are by and large, already extremely vulnerable people which make them easy targets for traffickers. In many cases, victims are concealed by physical isolation or language or cultural barriers.”

Those factors permeate everything that we have heard so far. Victims also often face fear of retaliation, either directly or against their families back in their homelands. They also face coercive behaviour, which we are dealing with in the Domestic Abuse (Scotland) Bill. That is a key element and, because of the domestic setting, it is difficult to estimate numbers.

A lot of work has been done on this subject, including work by our Equal Opportunities Committee in its migration and trafficking inquiry in 2010 and the Equality and Human Rights Commission in its “Inquiry into Human Trafficking in Scotland” report in 2011.

We know that people are being recruited worldwide. On the transportation of people, vigilance is obviously required by those who guard our borders. We heard stories of people directly flying in whose demeanour gave them away.

Transfer became a very important element of the legislation, because we know that, once these commodities or resources—these human beings—arrive in Scotland, they are transferred within the country. The legislation had to be very clear to pick up that and the harbouring aspect.

As I have said, the means of human trafficking involve coercion, threats, deception, fraud and the abuse of power. The purpose of human trafficking has been alluded to: it is about exploitation, including sexual exploitation, and forced labour. On sexual exploitation in particular, the Equality and Human Rights Commission said that there was a particular niche and that trafficked prostitution was not an on-street issue, but happened in sex flats.

We know that human trafficking and exploitation have a disproportionate impact on women and girls, and my party and I certainly commend the robust police action on trafficking and exploitation. Addressing that exploitation is about multi-agency work. As Ash Denham said, it is about support to exit when the opportunity arises.

I want to touch on a couple of things in the short time that I have left. The cabinet secretary alluded to the number of days of support. In a previous online statement, he talked about listening to victims themselves. It is apparent that that has happened. The 45 days of support were good; raising that number to 90 days of support is excellent, and I congratulate the cabinet secretary on that.

On the requirement to train professionals to spot the signs of human trafficking, the reality is that many victims do not know that they are victims. In a previous debate, I alluded to a young man from Vietnam who managed a cannabis farm not far from Inverness and thought that he was outside London. There were issues around his age.

I commend the scrutiny that we did on the statutory defence and the cabinet secretary’s comments on the Lord Advocate’s instructions, because we must be absolutely clear about who is a victim and who is an accused. The reality is that, if a person has been manhandled, taken around the world and abused, they are a victim, not an accused. It is good to have clarity on that.

There is not enough time left to say a fraction of what I planned to say. However, it is quite apparent that partnership is key and that we will progress through partnership.

Photo of Liam McArthur Liam McArthur Liberal Democrat

Some excellent speeches have been made. I congratulate Kate Forbes on a speech that was extremely powerful and unsettling in all the right ways.

The Scottish Liberal Democrats were strong supporters of the Human Trafficking and Exploitation (Scotland) Act 2015, which has provided the basis on which to make Scotland a more hostile environment for those who are intent on trafficking and exploitation. Maintaining the momentum is key, and the publication of the strategy—followed by the action plan, I hope—is essential.

The principles of the strategy are a focus on victims and potential victims, a commitment to partnership working, determination to learn from what works and what does not work, and responding quickly and anticipating changes in risks and circumstances. Those principles provide a solid framework within which to pursue our collective efforts to combat the most grotesque and often the most insidious of crimes.

It is understandable that, when most people think of human trafficking and exploitation, the image of forced prostitution, drug trafficking or even child trafficking is conjured up. However, human trafficking and exploitation crimes can be complex. They are often hidden and they are constantly evolving; they are not simply committed by and against people from outwith the UK. The strategy clearly states that adults and children, including UK citizens, are trafficked and exploited within and between communities—both rural and urban—in Scotland and across the UK as a whole. We must be honest in confronting that uncomfortable truth if we are to have any hope of eliminating that scourge.

I turn to the action plan that is to come and will briefly flag up a couple of points.

It must be recognised that trafficking and exploitation can arise from the vulnerabilities of individuals and communities. They can arise from poverty, mental health issues, disabilities and many other factors. We must therefore do much more to reduce vulnerability through collective and collaborative action and targeted interventions by health, social care and education providers. Such action is already taken, but that has undoubtedly been made more difficult, as Claire Baker said, by the squeeze on budgets and, in many cases, the reductions in staffing levels.

With heavier workloads, staff often have insufficient time. With the scaling back or even removal of some services in our communities, the opportunity to spot problems and intervene early is diminished. I respectfully suggest that the Scottish Liberal Democrat proposals for a penny on income tax to invest in key education services would have eased some of that pressure while enhancing our chances of delivering many of the strategy’s laudable objectives.

Where risks have been identified, there must be opportunities to share the concerns with police in a timely manner. That said, it is essential that we guard against excessive, inappropriate and disproportionate sharing of individuals’ personal details.

My final point relates to the importance of collaboration on an international scale. It is self-evident that any effort to disrupt, far less prevent, trafficking or exploitation requires police and security agencies to work seamlessly across borders. Anything else affords criminals an advantage that they will all too willingly exploit. From the wreckage of the increasingly chaotic Brexit negotiations we must salvage the ability to engage in cross-border co-operation to combat serious organised crime. Retention of the European arrest warrant, membership of Europol and access to EU information databases would be the starter for 10. In addition, we must reopen the Dubs amendment scheme, as failure to do so would expose around 3,000 unaccompanied child refugees to a heightened risk of falling victim to trafficking.

I welcome the debate and the strategy that gives rise to it, which must be translated into an action plan that delivers on the principles of being victim focused, collaborative in approach and committed to constant improvement. I support the Government’s motion and the amendment in Claire Baker’s name.

Photo of Sandra White Sandra White Scottish National Party

I am pleased to speak in the debate. Many members have debated human trafficking and exploitation on numerous occasions. Along with others, I have been raising the issue in the Scottish Parliament since 1999, and we have moved slightly forward. I was pleased when our hard work paid off with the introduction of the

Human Trafficking and Exploitation (Scotland) Bill.

I thank Jenny Marra and the many individuals and groups who worked so hard to bring the bill to fruition, and I wish the strategy well.

I congratulate the media—we do not often do that in this place—for a documentary that other members have mentioned, which was on the BBC and was made by investigative journalist Sam Poling. The programme highlighted the clear link between eastern European crime gangs and Asian organised crime in Glasgow.

I must also mention the soap opera “River City”, which has been running a storyline about women being trafficked for sex. It is excellent that the programme has picked up on that issue. Human trafficking may not be an easy subject to view, but it is essential to get the message across that human trafficking has no place in society in Scotland or any other part of the world. I thank “River City” for highlighting the issue.

Ash Denham, in a very thoughtful speech, talked about commercial sexual exploitation. She talked about such prostitution as a business involving supply and demand, which was a powerful way in which to describe the subject. I fully supported Ash Denham and others in their determination to have a motion passed at the SNP conference to mirror the Swedish policy of challenging that demand through legislation. It can be difficult to get a motion passed at conference, so I congratulate them on their success.

Liam McArthur mentioned poverty, the threat of which runs through the issue—it is the reason why many people are trafficked. In the BBC programme that I mentioned, we saw places such as Slovakia, where the poverty is tangible. People—particularly young women—are duped into coming here and to other parts of the UK, thinking that they are coming to a better life. They end up being trafficked and having an appalling existence. Some are even sent back and end up being trafficked again. That is abhorrent in any society.

Kate Forbes mentioned the exploitation and trafficking of people for work. I have spoken about that previously, as some of my constituents have been affected by it. Many people have been trafficked to be chefs or waiters or to work on building sites and so on. They were brought over to find that they would be sleeping in a room with maybe 10 other people, that their passport and money were being removed from them and that they were working for something like £1 a day. Sexual exploitation of women and children is absolutely abhorrent, but we must look at the other side as well—workers who are being exploited.

I echo everyone who has said that we must have cross-border working throughout Europe.

The Deputy Presiding Officer:

I call Jamie Greene, to be followed by Fulton MacGregor, who will get to speak if he presses his request-to-speak button. He will be the last speaker in the open debate.

Photo of Jamie Greene Jamie Greene Conservative

There is very little time available today, and we are rushing through our speeches to get as much in as we can. I will try to add some further thoughts to the debate.

I found the previous speech interesting, because the reasons for human trafficking are wide and varied. We know that forced labour, sex work, child exploitation and domestic servitude are the main ones, but the problem can manifest itself in a variety of ways for people who come to this country thinking that they are getting a better life yet ending up entrapped in trafficking circumstances.

I guess that I should not be surprised that there are recorded figures of trafficking in Scotland, but I am—indeed, I am quite shocked. It is the sort of practice that one never really believes takes place on one’s own doorstep, but experts believe that the official figures underestimate the number of victims each year. The official figure is around 150, but many people in the third sector believe that the actual figure could be in the thousands.

Part of the reason why the figures are surprising is that our image of what a modern slave might be does not always fit the stereotype. We have talked a bit about some of the television documentaries that have covered human trafficking. I recall one that was shown last year on, I think, BBC Three about the story of a Polish immigrant who had come to the UK. He was a burly guy, 6 feet tall, who had come here to do labour work and was forced into agricultural work against his will. His passport was taken away, he was given limited access to money and he was confined to accommodation from which he could not escape. Moreover, he was beaten up by the gangmaster who controlled the group of people that he was in.

Photo of John Finnie John Finnie Green

Jamie Greene makes a valid point about employment. Does he agree that it is important that employers robustly scrutinise the source of their employees?

Photo of Jamie Greene Jamie Greene Conservative

I do. In the field of manual labour, which is often paid by cash in hand, it is important that employers look at where their staff come from, especially if they use an agency. They might think that they are doing the right thing in using a legitimate agency, but unscrupulous work might be going on behind that. I could not agree more with John Finnie.

Given the fear and control that are involved—members should bear in mind that fear is a way of controlling people—how can we encourage more victims to come forward? We have not touched on that as much as we could. How can we encourage victims to seek help when they are living in unique circumstances of danger?

It is worth noting that the serious organised crime strategy shows that human exploitation is not confined to big cities but happens in small towns, villages and even rural communities. It is happening under our noses. How aware of the problem are we? Do we choose to close our eyes to what is going on around us in society?

I welcome the strategy, which is widely supported. It focuses on the victims but also touches on how we identify perpetrators and disrupt their work practice. There is little to disagree with in the strategy, to be honest. The focus on victims is important. The long-term impact of being a victim of human trafficking is inconceivable, but it is important that victims overcome that impact if they are to reintegrate into society. As is always the case with such strategies, measurement and monitoring will be key to success. The onus is on the Scottish Government and this Parliament to regularly review the strategy and its progress.

The title of the motion includes the words

“Making Scotland a Hostile Place for Traffickers”, and I could not agree more with that. An unequivocal and unapologetic message should go out from this place to tell human traffickers that they are simply not welcome here and that we will not tolerate their activity. The 2015 act introduced a number of new powers to prevent and punish trafficking, including the option of life imprisonment for those who are prosecuted. We should not shy away from using those powers to their full extent.

I think that we would all agree that, as things stand, trafficking is still at an unacceptable level in Scotland and across the UK. Collaboration—not only across Governments, police forces and enforcement and border agencies, but, more important, as we have seen today, across the political divide—is the key to making the strategy a success.

Photo of Fulton MacGregor Fulton MacGregor Scottish National Party

As other members have said, human trafficking is one of the most important issues that we face and it must be eradicated as soon as possible. I am proud that the Parliament has put in place robust legislation with meaningful punishments for those who engage in that abhorrent crime.

I am pleased that the Scottish Government is also developing a new strategy. It would be easy for us to point at recent legislation and say that we are doing our bit, but the renewed focus makes it clear that the Scottish Government, the Parliament and the people of Scotland are serious about doing everything in our power to stop trafficking in this country.

The strategy, as its first priority, makes it clear that victims will be the priority and that they will be offered, as they should be, every bit of support that is necessary to aid them to safety and recovery. The legislation that was passed two years ago also puts victims first, which has been welcomed by international watchdogs such as Amnesty International. Catching and prosecuting the perpetrators of human trafficking is crucial to preventing it in the future, but every effort must be made to ensure that the victims are well cared for at all times.

I welcome the plans in the new strategy to run a public awareness campaign. There will be times when people who are victims of trafficking come into contact with the general public and with all of us, and yet we cannot necessarily spot the warning signs. The latest figures show that 149 victims were identified in Scotland in 2016. That shows an increase from 2015, which—although it is worrying that there are more victims year on year—shows that the procedures that are in place are getting results.

Thinking back to my time as a social worker, I believe that the training on child protection that we received was quite robust. From 2004 onwards, everybody was trained quite well in that area, but human trafficking was not covered, so training on identification for professionals will have been welcomed over the past couple of years.

It is clear that the authorities are not yet identifying all victims, and that trafficking is a much bigger problem in Scotland than we would hope. John Finnie, among other members, mentioned some of the issues that arise in trying to identify those people. We also know that the figures do not even provide the total number of victims, as adult victims are required to consent to referral under the national referral mechanism, as has been discussed.

In 2016-17, Migrant Help and the trafficking awareness-raising alliance were supported by the Scottish Government with £700,000, which has given them resources to support victims. It allows them to provide accommodation, medical treatment and psychological counselling as well as translators, legal services and help to access compensation. I am glad that the Scottish Government has been investing in that work. I note that Labour colleagues said earlier that, although they welcome the legislation, they have concerns about provision for the Police Service of Scotland. I ask those colleagues to join me in hoping that we can have all the powers at this Parliament in order to raise and distribute money as required. There is consensus on trafficking and members in this Parliament, no matter what party they are in, agree that action must be taken.

On justice for victims, the 2015 act makes prosecution of perpetrators much more straightforward, which should be welcomed. A life sentence is now at the disposal of the courts, and those who engage in human trafficking should take note. As other members have said, the actions of traffickers are not welcome and our justice system will come down hard on them if they carry on.

I welcome the Scottish Government’s recognition that more needs to be done on information gathering and data analysis, as well as on sharing information between authorities and, where appropriate, between other countries. That should enhance the detection of patterns of trafficking and make it easier for authorities to put a stop to it earlier.

I welcome all the steps that are being taken to eradicate human trafficking from Scotland, and I look forward to working towards that end in the months and years to come.

The Deputy Presiding Officer:

We move to the closing speeches. I call Claire Baker to close for Labour. You have five minutes, if you are ready.

Photo of Claire Baker Claire Baker Labour

Yes, thank you, Presiding Officer. Today’s debate has been interesting and I am pleased about the consensus on the need to tackle human trafficking. The trade in people and the modern-day slavery of men, women and children is abhorrent and has no place in Scotland.

Adam Tomkins described the need to bring trafficking out of “the shadows”, and many members reflected that view in their forceful speeches this afternoon. I will try to recognise their contributions. As the cabinet secretary said in the strategy’s foreword, the strategy and the action plans are “living documents”, so it is important that we listen to all views.

I will comment on a few things that the cabinet secretary said. I welcome increasing the days of support up to 90 days, a doubling of the allowance; the anti-trafficking monitoring group’s emphasis on the importance of the approach adopted by the Crown Office on non-prosecutions, describing it as exemplary practice; and the importance of partnerships working across borders. As we have uncertainties ahead in our relationship with Europe, it is important that we maintain the effective networks that have been built up.

John Finnie spoke about the importance of multi-agency working and Fulton MacGregor talked about the importance of information sharing. Tackling human trafficking is an issue not just for the justice secretary, but for the health secretary, the education secretary and other ministers, and Adam Tomkins made the fair point about the UK Government’s effort in this area, too.

It is early days with the Scottish Government strategy, but it requires close monitoring. The publication of a strategy is often the easy part; now it is down to the implementation, which can be more challenging.

A number of members talked about people being the second most lucrative commodity in modern-day trading. Support for victims and their recovery is important. We need to be aware that boys and girls, like men and women, can experience trafficking in different ways, so they may need different support. John Finnie described how people are easy targets as a result of having multiple vulnerabilities, so we are dealing with complex issues.

Ash Denham and Ruth Maguire talked about how demand is driving much of the exploitation of people. They both argued for decriminalising the sale of sex and criminalising the buyer. They might be aware that Rhoda Grant introduced a member’s bill in the previous parliamentary session. It did not receive enough support across the chamber so we could not legislate in that area. Perhaps we will see progress made in this session.

This afternoon, we heard shocking reports of sex trafficking and the level of abuse that is involved, as well as the level of awareness among buyers about that and their willingness to become involved in that crime. Sweden and Norway were cited as examples of countries where much more hostile environments have been created. There is a serious risk that we could see an increase in trafficking in Scotland as others take action, but we are left behind on this agenda.

We must address issues of public perception. Sandra White made a good point about how to communicate with people effectively, whether that is through soap operas, documentaries or other television shows that appeal to people.

Oliver Mundell talked about the importance of focusing people’s minds on identifying victims. Human trafficking happens across Scotland. How do we raise awareness that it is taking place in all our communities? Although members have talked about commercial sexual exploitation, there are also many victims in forced labour, particularly in services that many of us use every day. We need to recognise the importance of the victim’s experience and to listen to them and understand why they have become trapped in such situations, often without it being evident to themselves.

Kate Forbes talked about the prevalence of nail bars, car washes, forced begging and other such activities. It can be difficult to identify the victims and the perpetrators. We often come into contact with those services. We are often dealing with victims who are just people trying to find a better life for themselves. Kate Forbes gave a human face to the strategy that we are discussing.

People are often tricked into coming to the UK. Jamie Greene described the control and the abuse of forced labour that takes place. There is a role for employers here, as well as for trade unions in raising the profile of the issue.

This afternoon’s debate has been interesting. We need to recognise that human trafficking is a global issue—members touched on that when they talked about the reasons why people are trafficked and how the attraction of the UK is a strong pull for people, who can then easily be exploited.

As John Finnie said, when we reach out to victims, we need to realise that some people have low literacy and language skills, particularly if English is not their first language. We need to ensure that materials are tailored to victims’ needs.

I welcome the strategy, but we must ensure that it is followed up with resources, enforcement and education. We need traffickers to be brought to justice and we need victims to escape the clutches of gangs. I hope that the strategy is a live document and that we can adapt to changing circumstances and the lived experience of people who are caught up in such a heinous crime.

Photo of Annie Wells Annie Wells Conservative

I welcome the opportunity to close the debate on behalf of the Scottish Conservatives.

Many members from across the chamber have made thoughtful and helpful speeches, and I thank everyone who has spoken in the debate.

At First Minister’s question time recently, I asked the First Minister about the shocking revelations in a BBC documentary that was shown in May that young girls who are victims of human trafficking are being forced into sham marriages in Govanhill, in Glasgow. The passing of the Human Trafficking and Exploitation (Scotland) Act 2015 and the publication of the trafficking and exploitation strategy on 30 May are welcome, but the documentary highlighted the scale of the challenge that faces us if we are to address the sickening abuse that is going on in our communities.

I welcome that the 2015 act makes it simpler for law enforcement agencies to take action against traffickers, in that it introduces a single offence that covers all kinds of trafficking. It is also right that the maximum sentence of the criminal law—life imprisonment—is available to the courts when a person is convicted of trafficking offences. That sends a strong and clear message from this Parliament that the systematic abuse of victims’ human rights will attract the fullest and most severe punishment, and that it sits alongside the most severe and despicable crimes that are recognised in Scots law.

The 2015 act places a clear duty on the Scottish ministers to ensure that an adult victim has access to support and assistance, and that an adult guardian is made available to a child who is, or is vulnerable to becoming, a victim of trafficking. It is crucial that ministers fulfil that duty, because when victims are identified, it is essential that the correct support is available in order to help them to re-establish their lives.

I welcome the action that the Scottish Government takes to fund support for all adult victims of human trafficking in Scotland. The psychological support that is provided at the Anchor centre and by third sector organisations is particularly important. I cannot begin to imagine the horrific psychological and emotional impact that victims of trafficking must endure. All victims, including victims of slavery, servitude and forced labour, should be able to get the support that is offered. The strategy commits to considering the issue further; I urge the Scottish Government to make its support services available to all victims, without further delay.

I support the actions that the strategy sets out in order to identify perpetrators. The approach must build on the strong powers of the police and courts to identify and punish those who are guilty of trafficking offences.

In today’s debate, we have heard about the witness service that Victim Support Scotland provides. That kind of support is crucial. Often, the evidence that is needed to bring perpetrators of crime to justice comes from witnesses who are vulnerable and are reluctant to give evidence in court. That is why proper support for witnesses from Victim Support Scotland, and court procedures that are sensitive to victims’ and witnesses’ vulnerabilities, are essential. The actions that the strategy sets out in that regard are very welcome.

I support the strategy’s focus on preventing violence against women and girls. It is important that we recognise the huge contribution that the United Kingdom Government makes to tackling violence against women and girls and, thereby, to tackling exploitation and trafficking across the world, by committing to spend 0.7 per cent of gross domestic product on international aid.

The 2015 act requires a review of the strategy within three years of its publication. That means that we will have the opportunity to measure the strategy’s effectiveness during this parliamentary session.

It is, for all the reasons that have been mentioned by others, of the utmost importance that we get the strategy right and address the shameful practice of human trafficking. I encourage all members in all parties to put aside our traditional differences when this difficult issue arises, so that we can ensure that the Government’s actions and strategy are placed under close scrutiny and that any failures are identified and dealt with robustly. That must happen on a continuing basis as well as when the formal review takes place in 2020.

I recognise the point that has been made clearly by members throughout the debate about the need for co-operation across borders. Human trafficking and exploitation of vulnerable people take place without regard to borders and therefore multi-agency and multination efforts to tackle the crimes are obviously essential. Continuing co-operation with our European partners as we leave the European Union is essential.

The UK Government has led efforts internationally to tackle modern slavery and trafficking, including by ensuring that ending modern slavery was included as a UN sustainable development goal. I am proud that Scotland, as part of the UK, is leading efforts to end this heinous crime across the globe. Everyone in Parliament should welcome that.

The Scottish Government’s strategy gives us the opportunity to build on that success. For that reason, it is welcomed on this side of the chamber. We will support the motion and the Labour amendment at decision time, and we will work constructively with others in Parliament to achieve the eradication of human trafficking and exploitation.

The Deputy Presiding Officer:

I call Michael Matheson to close for the Government.

Photo of Michael Matheson Michael Matheson Scottish National Party

I thank all members for their contributions to the debate. A number of important issues have been raised in respect of tackling human trafficking and exploitation. Members across the chamber recognise the complexity that is involved in tackling human trafficking and exploitation.

As others have done, I want to acknowledge the work that has been carried out by Jenny Marra, Christina McKelvie and Sandra White over a number of years in pressing the Government and highlighting issues to make sure that we were taking forward all the appropriate measures to tackle human trafficking and exploitation effectively.

I am happy to accept Claire Baker’s amendment to the motion. She made reference in her speech to a number of interesting statistics—in particular, statistics about people’s perception of whether human trafficking is a problem here, or is a problem for others outwith Scotland or the UK. That, to some degree, illustrates the nature of the challenge in tackling human trafficking and exploitation; very often, people’s perception is that it does not take place here in Scotland. However, the statistics demonstrate that it does.

Members have referred to the increase in the number of referrals by 3.4 per cent between 2015 and 2016, from 145 to 150. Since 2013, referrals have increased by 52 per cent. Interestingly, an equal number of men and women were referred in 2016, although I know that members made particular reference to the impact of human trafficking and exploitation on women. This year, 75 men and 75 women have been referred to the national referral mechanism. Sexual exploitation is the most common type of exploitation of adult females who are identified in Scotland, with labour exploitation being the most common type of exploitation of adult males who are identified in Scotland.

The data also highlights that for the past three years, Vietnamese nationals have been the biggest single nationality group of victims who have been referred to the national referral mechanism. That raises a particular point of interest for us and it is one to which I am already giving further consideration within the Government.

We can take action in the way that Adam Tomkins mentioned through legislation, which is part of the process—it is the start of the process. The strategy will help us to take the issue out of the shadows, but we also have to consider what work we need to do further upstream, at the point of origin, in the countries from which individuals are being trafficked. Evidence demonstrates that if we can take appropriate measures in those countries, we can help to reduce the likelihood of individuals being trafficked.

In his speech, Oliver Mundell referred to the “murky and dark” trade of human trafficking. To some degree, I agree with that. Some aspects of it are dark. However, in their speeches, Kate Forbes and Jamie Greene spoke clearly about the very public way in which some human trafficking and exploitation have taken place through labour exploitation. We heard about someone who was forced to become a farm labourer and we know of case studies involving individuals becoming labourers on building sites. Kate Forbes referred to people working in nail bars and we know that people have been forced to work in the fishing industry. I do not want to characterise the problem as being prevalent in particular industries or areas, but I think that those examples demonstrate that the problem can be happening right under many people’s noses. We must ensure that people have awareness and are conscious of the problem. That is why part of the strategy will be a public information campaign that we will launch later this year. That will ensure that the issues that we are talking about will be at the forefront of people’s minds.

Photo of Claire Baker Claire Baker Labour

Will the information in that public information campaign be provided in different languages, in recognition of the different communities that we might be trying to engage with?

Photo of Michael Matheson Michael Matheson Scottish National Party

That is an important point. We are already engaging with stakeholders, including victims, on how we can shape the campaign best. That will include considering whether we need to provide the information in other languages. I will ensure that that is part of our consideration.

John Finnie intervened on Jamie Greene to make a point about the need for employers to ensure that they are implementing appropriate checks in relation to the individuals whom they employ. That is an important point. However, it is also important that landlords who let properties for business purposes also consider the individuals to whom they let the properties, because we know that many of the people who are involved in human trafficking and exploitation are involved in serious and organised crime groups, which have a range of criminality attached to them. That is why the work that is being done by Police Scotland and the serious and organised crime task force, which I chair, is not just about drugs and issues that many people would consider serious and organised crime to involve, but is also about issues such as human trafficking and exploitation.

A number of members have acknowledged the international element of human trafficking and the need to ensure that we are taking forward measures that recognise the cross-border nature of the crime. One of the organisations that provide particular assistance to Police Scotland is Europol, which supports joint investigation teams that can work across a number of different countries in order to tackle issues such as human trafficking. As we go forward with the Brexit negotiations, it will be important to ensure that we retain our membership of Europol and, where possible, retain access to joint investigation teams, which is not available to associate members. Also, the European arrest warrant, which Liam McArthur highlighted, brings important benefits in terms of tackling issues around human trafficking, so we must ensure that we still retain the warrant to help us in the work that we are doing to tackle human trafficking.

Members highlighted the importance of resources. I want particularly to correct Mary Fee on Police Scotland’s budget. There is no cut to Police Scotland’s budget; in fact, Police Scotland’s budget is increasing, and will continue to do so for the rest of this session of Parliament. Further, in this year alone, we have increased the police reform budget to enable Police Scotland to continue to take forward its transformational work.

It is also important that agencies work collaboratively. Police Scotland cannot resolve the issue on its own, and we cannot expect local authorities or third sector organisations to deal with it on their own, either. We must also recognise that education, health and many other parts of our public sector have an important part to play in helping to make Scotland a hostile place for those who want to peddle the misery of human trafficking and exploitation.

The legislation that Parliament has put in place will ensure that we have the right powers to prosecute and take robust measures against those who perpetrate human trafficking and exploitation. The strategy will help us to build on that legislation by supporting victims and ensuring that all our public agencies work collectively to tackle human trafficking.

As a Government, we are determined to ensure that Scotland is a hostile place for human trafficking, and I welcome the support from members across the chamber this afternoon for the strategy that we now have in place.