This is a wonderful day for equality. As First Minister of Scotland, Nicola Sturgeon has been elevated to a special and select group of powerful women in the world. She joins the illustrious company of Prime Minister Erna Solberg and Prime Minister Helle Thorning-Schmidt, of Norway and Denmark respectively—countries from which she draws inspiration. I discourage her from consulting Tatiana Turanskaya, who is the Prime Minister of the self-declared independent republic of Transnistria. However, she might wish to look for advice from Iveta Radicová of Slovakia, who has been credited with restoring the relationship with a large neighbour after her predecessor put it under significant strain. Nicola Sturgeon might be especially interested in what Iveta Radicová has to say, given that Radicová was deposed by her predecessor only two years later.

At times, Nicola Sturgeon and I might exchange cross words in the chamber, but let me begin with praise. I hope that she is as proud today as her parents looked on Saturday. This is an outstanding personal achievement.

I want to set out what my party and I will do in response to a Sturgeon Government. Where we disagree, we will say so, and sometimes robustly. That is our job. Where we agree, we will also say so. That is our job, too.

If the Parliament will allow me, I will make two points of difference. Our new First Minister wants to represent all Scotland. We commend that. She wants to represent not just the people who supported her in the referendum, but the whole country. However, she must realise that when she uses her position to return immediately to campaigning for a win in another referendum, she is in danger of diminishing the democratic expression of more than 2 million no voters. I am not expecting Nicola Sturgeon to change her views on Scotland’s constitutional future—I would never deny her that right. However, her Government has had more than three and a half years to make the case for independence. In the remaining 18 months, would not it be respectful to invest all her power and energy in running the country?

Nicola Sturgeon will also know that we strongly disagree with the Government’s approach to justice—on police centralisation, on the abolition of corroboration, on the massive expansion in stop and search and on the carrying of guns by officers. I hope that she takes the opportunity in the pending reshuffle to find a new and more liberal Cabinet Secretary for Justice.

Just as we will speak out when we disagree, I can tell Nicola Sturgeon that we will not hunt for reasons to oppose when it is sensible to support. She knows that we have worked constructively with her Government on every single budget. When we secured more funds for our colleges, for nursery education, for thousands of two-year-olds, for housing, for free school meals and more, we voted for those budgets.

I am searching for common ground on powers for this Parliament, too. We advocated the inclusion of Nicola Sturgeon’s party on the Smith commission, and we look forward to reaching an agreement that will make a big difference for Scotland.

The responsibility that Nicola Sturgeon now takes is great. At times, it will be a personal burden. We will scrutinise her, but we will always strive to judge her fairly.

I am sure that I am not alone in the chamber in feeling a certain degree of envy today: to be in Nicola Sturgeon’s shoes, for the opportunity that the office of First Minister presents to change Scotland, and to create a stronger economy and a fairer society so that everyone can get a chance to get on. However, this is her moment, and I wish her well.