– in the Senedd at 4:02 pm on 30 April 2024.
Elin Jones
Plaid Cymru
4:02,
30 April 2024
Group 2 will be next, and this group is amendments relating to Senedd Constituency boundary reviews, on publications and implementation. Amendment 1 is the lead amendment. I call on the Counsel General to move this amendment. Mick Antoniw.
Mick Antoniw
Labour
4:03,
30 April 2024
Diolch, Llywydd. I'm pleased to open the debate on this group of amendments, which make technical changes to section 2, and Schedules 2 and 3 to the Bill, which relate to Senedd Constituency boundary reviews.
Amendment 1 clarifies that reference to ‘that section’ in section 2(1) of Part 1 of the Bill means section 49J of the Democracy and Boundary Commission Cymru etc. Act 2013. The amendment seeks to do this in a more concise way.
Amendments 24, 25 and 31 ensure that there is linguistic consistency between the provisions relating to the publishing of representations, following the various periods of representations, required as part of the constituency boundary reviews. They also clarify that, when there is a requirement to publish the representations received, the Democracy and Boundary Commission Cymru must publish them in a document.
Amendment 26 clarifies that when it publishes any notice as part of the 2026 pairing boundary review, it must be published on the commission’s website. This would include, for example, the notice at the commencement of the review. This provides consistency in the publishing requirements for all documents or reports published by the Democracy and Boundary Commission Cymru as part of the 2026 pairing review. It mirrors the publishing requirements set out for notices, reports and documents provided for in Schedule 3, which makes provision for subsequent full boundary reviews. Amendment 27 is a consequential amendment required due to amendment 26.
Amendment 30 is another technical amendment, to ensure linguistic consistency with section 49H(3)(d) of the Democracy and Boundary Commission Cymru etc. Act 2013, as inserted by Schedule 3. So, I'd ask all Members to support the, I hope, uncontroversial amendments in this group.
Heledd Fychan
Plaid Cymru
4:05,
30 April 2024
Given that this is my first contribution today, as part of today's debate, I'd like to note my thanks to everyone who has worked hard in advising me through this process and also, of course, the clerks and my fellow Members on the reform committee.
Next week, it will be 25 years since the first elections to this Senedd. A quarter of a century later, it is entirely appropriate that we take the necessary steps towards reforming this Senedd. The need for these reforms has been evident for many years. Although the range of powers held by this Senedd remains far too limited, especially compared to the Scottish Parliament, Wales's devolved competencies have nevertheless increased significantly, both in number and complexity, since 1999, with a resulting increase in the responsibilities of elected Members, together with our ability to legislate.
Despite these developments, the size of the Senedd has not changed, and it is even more apparent that the size of our Senedd does not provide adequately for these powers. As I stated during our Stage 2 debate on this Bill, Wales deserves to have a Senedd of the size required for our democracy. In Scotland, there is one Member for around every 33,000 constituents. In Northern Ireland, there is one Member for around 15,000 constituents. In Wales, there is one Member for around 39,000 constituents. Furthermore, we must also remember that we have lost a number of representatives: Members of the European Parliament as a result of Brexit and, from the next Westminster election, a reduction in MPs from 40 to 32. This leaves Wales with the smallest electoral representation of all UK countries, and by some distance. On this measure alone, the introduction of the Senedd reform Bill is a democratic necessity, and surely no-one who truly believes in a well-functioning, proportional democracy could oppose it.
It is also clear that a larger Senedd facilitates more effective accountability and scrutiny of the Government. The number of policy areas that have now been devolved means that Opposition party Members often have multiple portfolios, thereby piling necessary scrutiny responsibilities onto a limited number of individuals. Increasing the number of Members of the Senedd will, therefore, enrich, improve and empower opposition politics in Wales—something that I would hope that even Tory Members of this Senedd would recognise, when not in this Chamber or in front of a camera.
We are also pleased that this Bill will address the obvious need for reform of our voting system, removing, once and for all, the antiquated first-past-the-post system that has been so damaging to voter engagement and enthusiasm in Westminster elections. All Plaid Cymru Members have been clear from the outset that this Bill does not achieve everything that we would like to see in terms of Senedd reform. Our policy as a party remains supportive of the single transferrable vote model rather than the closed list system that will be implemented by this Bill, and we will continue to push for this to be considered as part of the review process in 2030. However, we also recognise that no single party in the Senedd has the two-thirds Majority required to deliver reform on its own. Therefore, we have worked pragmatically with the Government to develop a set of proposals that will be able to reach these thresholds.
Turning to the substance of this group, we accept the Government's rationale for seeking clarity on the duties of the Democracy and Boundary Commission Cymru to publish reports on Constituency boundary reviews, and to advertise the information in appropriate places. Therefore, we will support amendments 1, 24, 25, 26, 27, 30 and 31.
Elin Jones
Plaid Cymru
4:09,
30 April 2024
The Counsel General.
Mick Antoniw
Labour
Diolch yn fawr. I'm grateful to Members for their constructive contributions and I ask all Members to support all the amendments in this group. Diolch.
Elin Jones
Plaid Cymru
The question is that Amendment 1 be agreed to. Does any Member object? No. Amendment 1 is therefore agreed.
In a general election, each Constituency chooses an MP to represent them. MPs have a responsibility to represnt the views of the Constituency in the House of Commons. There are 650 Constituencies, and thus 650 MPs. A citizen of a Constituency is known as a Constituent
As a bill passes through Parliament, MPs and peers may suggest amendments - or changes - which they believe will improve the quality of the legislation.
Many hundreds of amendments are proposed by members to major bills as they pass through committee stage, report stage and third reading in both Houses of Parliament.
In the end only a handful of amendments will be incorporated into any bill.
The Speaker - or the chairman in the case of standing committees - has the power to select which amendments should be debated.
Pairing is an arrangement between two MPs of opposing parties that allows them, with the agreement of the Pairing Whips, to miss occasional votes in the House. If two Members from opposite sides of the House both agree to miss a vote, then by agreeing to differ they would cancel out each other's vote, so neither Member need turn up. MPs are generally only allowed to pair on votes that are not three-line whips.
Normally, the relationship between pairs is long-lasting and the system brings together some strange bedfellows. Labour MP Marjorie Mowlam and Conservative Cabinet minister Michael Portillo were an established `Pair' before the 1997 General Election.
It is often difficult for new MPs to find an available backbencher to pair with.
Where the government side has a large parliamentary majority, some MPs will be without a pair so, except for crucial votes (some three-line whips), a number of unpaired MPs may be allowed to be absent at specified times on a rota basis. This is known as a bisque.
The political party system in the English-speaking world evolved in the 17th century, during the fight over the ascension of James the Second to the Throne. James was a Catholic and a Stuart. Those who argued for Parliamentary supremacy were called Whigs, after a Scottish word whiggamore, meaning "horse-driver," applied to Protestant rebels. It was meant as an insult.
They were opposed by Tories, from the Irish word toraidhe (literally, "pursuer," but commonly applied to highwaymen and cow thieves). It was used — obviously derisively — to refer to those who supported the Crown.
By the mid 1700s, the words Tory and Whig were commonly used to describe two political groupings. Tories supported the Church of England, the Crown, and the country gentry, while Whigs supported the rights of religious dissent and the rising industrial bourgeoisie. In the 19th century, Whigs became Liberals; Tories became Conservatives.
The Opposition are the political parties in the House of Commons other than the largest or Government party. They are called the Opposition because they sit on the benches opposite the Government in the House of Commons Chamber. The largest of the Opposition parties is known as Her Majesty's Opposition. The role of the Official Opposition is to question and scrutinise the work of Government. The Opposition often votes against the Government. In a sense the Official Opposition is the "Government in waiting".
The term "majority" is used in two ways in Parliament. Firstly a Government cannot operate effectively unless it can command a majority in the House of Commons - a majority means winning more than 50% of the votes in a division. Should a Government fail to hold the confidence of the House, it has to hold a General Election. Secondly the term can also be used in an election, where it refers to the margin which the candidate with the most votes has over the candidate coming second. To win a seat a candidate need only have a majority of 1.
As a bill passes through Parliament, MPs and peers may suggest amendments - or changes - which they believe will improve the quality of the legislation.
Many hundreds of amendments are proposed by members to major bills as they pass through committee stage, report stage and third reading in both Houses of Parliament.
In the end only a handful of amendments will be incorporated into any bill.
The Speaker - or the chairman in the case of standing committees - has the power to select which amendments should be debated.