Despite claims from some on the Conservative benches, there is nothing in the least bit vain about exploring our shared future in a spirit of openness, collaboration and objectivity. I might remind the Members opposite that the Conservative Party was an active participant in this process, and that the commission's report was signed off by somebody they appointed to it. I invite the Conservatives to consider that to be a strength of this report. 

It has been almost two weeks now since the report was published, and it has, I think, already been a game changer in terms of redefining in many ways the constitutional debate in Wales, giving it both a new urgency and impetus, and a valuable new resource on which to draw. I say 'new urgency' because it states in pretty stark terms—stark cross-party terms—that the status quo is untenable. Something has to change, and there is consensus on that. And as we contemplate now and plan for that change, the commission has established a new evidence base and a new framework for analysing it.

Excitingly from my point of view, the evidence base shows that independence is a viable and achievable option for Wales. Of course, we in Plaid Cymru believe that this is the optimal choice for Wales, the best means for fulfilling the ambitions for our nation—ambitions that, hopefully, we share across this Siambr. And the commission is clear on this: without access to all the levers we need to change our economic fortunes, our story is likely to continue to be one of stagnation and managed decline, and with the full range of powers that only independence ultimately can deliver, we can change the story.

But I also know that this is a journey, and many, for perfectly understandable reasons, aren't convinced yet. The report highlights risks, yes, but that's true for all the options that face us, including the risk of staying as we are and the entrenched poverty that our membership of the UK has delivered for so many families and communities. So, people want more evidence, more discussion, of course they do. We all do. And I tell you, I am up for having as many conversations as possible, however difficult the questions are that arise.

As I say, we on these benches are clear about the scope of our ambition for and our belief in Wales—others not so much. It was disappointing, as I stated last week, that before the ink had even dried on the commission's report, the shadow Secretary of State for Wales had already taken to the airwaves to dismiss some of its key recommendations. Conversely, if I may say also in the presence of the two of them, there's been almost total radio silence from where I'm listening on the commission's recommendations from the two candidates looking to lead Welsh Labour, and I would invite them to break that silence.

I'm interested, of course, in seeing how the First Minister proposes to take this debate forward within his own party. I'm eager to work with him, or anyone who wants to take Wales's constitutional journey forward. He was such a key part of instigating this work and, despite his imminent standing down as First Minister, I doubt he will want to distance himself too much from the wider debate on the future of Wales.

Notably, there has been remarkably little said, according to the constitutional commission's joint chairs, by those who support the status quo. Why is it that they believe that this is as good as it gets for Wales? What's key, I think, is that the discussion, the genuine national discussion that we have had through the commission on Wales's future journey, should be able to continue. Will the First Minister, then, support my wish for the momentum gathered through the commission's work to be able to continue and ask for this work to continue? A permanent commission would stand us in good stead, I think. Wales's constitutional future, of course, belongs, ultimately, not to us as political parties here, but to all the people of Wales. We here can make sure that our citizens have their say, and the commission has shown how vibrant that conversation can be.