Finance Bill – in a Public Bill Committee at 3:00 pm on 28 January 2025.
I beg to move amendment 20, in clause 37, page 31, line 21, at end insert—
“12A
So much of any amount of income treated as arising to an individual under section 633 (capital sums paid to settlor by trustees of settlement) for the tax year as falls within the foreign amount of income available up to the end of the tax year.
The foreign amount of income available up to the end of a tax year is the amount that would be determined, in accordance with sections 635 to 637 (amount of available income), as the amount of income available up to the end of the tax year if all income arising under the settlement from a source in the United Kingdom were ignored.”
This amendment provides for income treated as arising to a settlor of a trust as a result of a capital payment made by the trustees to be eligible for relief to the extent that the deemed income arises from foreign income.
With this it will be convenient to discuss the following:
Clause stand part.
Clause 38 stand part.
Government amendments 44 to 54.
Clause 39 stand part.
Clauses 37 to 39 make changes to ensure that from April 2025, individuals moving to the UK who have not been tax resident in the UK for the 10 previous years will not pay tax on their foreign income or gains for the first four years of UK residence.
For context, the Government are removing the outdated concept of domiciled status from the tax system and replacing it with a new, internationally competitive, residence-based regime from
The changes made by clauses 37 and 39 will provide full tax relief on foreign income and gains for new arrivals to the UK for their first four years of tax residence, provided that they have not been UK tax resident for 10 years before their arrival. To align with the new regime, clause 38 and schedule 8 extend the period of overseas workday relief to four years, and decouple overseas workday relief from domiciled status to align it with the new foreign income and gains regime. Claims to the relief will be capped at the lower of £300,000 or 30% of an individual’s total employment income. Furthermore, the removal of the remittance basis means that it will no longer be necessary to keep income offshore to benefit from relief.
Government amendment 20 amends clause 37 to add an additional category of income to the list of eligible incomes, which will ensure that all eligible income for relief is referenced correctly. Government amendments 44 to 53 have also been tabled to schedule 8 to ensure that the relief on travel costs for qualifying newly resident employees in the UK functions as the legislation intended. Furthermore, Government amendment 54 amends schedule 8 to clarify that it is a general direction made by HMRC, rather than a public notice.
The Government are committed to ensuring that everyone who is long-term resident in the UK pays their taxes here. The new regime ensures that that will be the case, while also being more attractive than the current approach as individuals will be able to bring income and gains into the UK without attracting additional tax charges. That will encourage people to spend and invest those funds here in the UK.
I commend clauses 37 to 39 and schedule 8, along with Government amendments 20 and 44 to 54, to the Committee.
Currently, a person who is UK resident but not UK domiciled pays tax on any UK income and gains but can choose for their non-UK income and gains to be taxed on a remittance basis. Part 2 of the Bill provides for the abolition of non-domiciled status from April 2025, as the Minister points out, and for its replacement with a new regime for the taxation of foreign incomes and gains on the basis of UK residence. It therefore terminates the current tax regime for those who are resident but not domiciled in the UK, while creating a temporary repatriation facility for historical foreign income and gains to be brought into the UK over the next three years. Those changes will also be applied to trusts under the Bill and inheritance tax will also be brought into the new, residence-based system.
Although the shape of the overall package is much the same as the one the Conservatives announced in the spring Budget 2024, there are a few notable differences on the detail. Before I move through the chapters—we will spend a bit of time on that, starting with chapter 1—I will first provide some context by noting that, net of the reforms we announced in March, Labour’s adjustments to the new regime are forecast to raise £12.7 billion over the next five years. This means the measure we are considering is the second biggest revenue-raising new policy in this entire Budget. Labour’s adjustments to the temporary repatriation facility alone account for £10.6 billion.
These are significant sums, but also highly uncertain, according to the OBR. There is significant uncertainty in particular around the behavioural responses and the size of the tax base, according to the OBR’s assessment. The OBR also says it is unclear to what extent inflows to the temporary repatriation facility are additional over the long term rather than bringing forward disposals which would otherwise have attracted full rates of taxation.
When the second biggest revenue-raising new policy in a Budget is so uncertain, according to the OBR, bond market jitters come as no surprise. The emphasis Labour has placed on this policy, which makes up a massive chunk of the Bill, is compounding its conundrum ahead of the OBR’s March forecast. It exacerbates fiscal instability by adding to the risk that revenues will not be as high as anticipated. This brings us back to the same old questions we have been asking, including in the Chamber today: which taxes will Labour have to raise if there is a shortfall, or which services will they have to cut? The Minister will say that we need to wait for the OBR’s revised forecasts, but will those include an update on these highly uncertain figures?
Turning specifically to chapter 1, clauses 37 and 39 introduce the new four-year 100% relief on eligible foreign income and gains for those arriving in the UK who have not been UK tax residents in the 10 tax years immediately prior to their arrival. I acknowledge that that mostly mirrors the proposals we put forward in the March Budget 2024 but would be grateful if the Minister could none the less address the following points.
The hon. Gentleman raises the question of estimates around the level of revenue that would be generated by this important measure. Is he familiar with the work of Andy Summers and Arun Advani at LSE and the University of Warwick? Three years ago, in 2022, they modelled the effect of the 2017 tax reforms on non-doms and used that as a basis for statistical estimates for the proposal before us. While economics is a science that does to the best it can with the data available, I think there are some quite substantial measures available on the table for this proposal.
I am afraid I have not taken the time to read the academic reports, but I greatly value and emphasise the work of the OBR, which the Conservatives established in government. The new Government have taken it forward and are already seeking to bolster its impact on the Treasury’s work. If the hon. Lady will forgive me, it is the OBR’s work that I look at, and that work says that this budgetary measure is highly uncertain. As I was pointing out, that leaves questions for markets and for the Labour parliamentary party when it comes to which taxation will have to go up and what spending will be cut if that figure is not met. I will leave that to the Minister to address.
Regardless of the uncertainty, we know from the projections that, although the tax intake should peak at about £6 billion, it tails off by the end of the period to £95 million—a huge difference. By the time this spending and the costs have been worked into the system, no matter what happens in terms of uncertainty, at the end of that tax period there will be a huge amount of money that was in the system, but which now has to be filled. This policy, if implemented, will mean that there is a hole in the system at the end of the ’29 period that will need to be filled in some way.
That is a very good point—if only I had included it in my speech. That is a classic example of an intervention that adds to the content of the debate on behalf of all those who will be impacted by this measure. It is important to look at the projections over the five-year period on a year-by-year basis. It will be no surprise to the Minister that I look at them very carefully. I look at the timing of when the measures generate revenue, and when they do not. I could provide lots of examples of places where questions need to be asked of this Budget—indeed, we have been asking them today.
In claiming the 100% relief on foreign income and gains, an individual forfeits their eligibility for a whole host of allowances available to normal UK taxpayers, including the personal allowance'; yet even those who were previously taxed on a remittance basis for non-UK income and gains would still pay tax on their UK earnings, just like everybody else. That was surely an uncontroversial element of the old regime, which did not require any attention, so why have the Government taken it upon themselves to make the tax treatment of UK income less favourable as a condition of claiming the new 100% relief—which we of course welcome?
The biggest concern that has been raised with me regarding these new reliefs by the likes of the now-famous Chartered Institute of Taxation, which many of us have referred to, is the requirement to itemise and actively claim each income and gain. As far as I can recall, the technical note that we produced alongside our proposals in March 2024 did not insist on that level of specificity and detail, which is quite onerous on those applying. As a basic matter of fairness, it seems wrong that the window for making a claim is so much less than the 12 years available to HMRC to issue a compliance check, and even more so when the ability to make a consequential claim to correct an error is restricted.
The Budget claims to introduce a regime that is simpler and internationally competitive, as the Minister outlined in his speech, but those two requirements are neither of those things. I would be very grateful if the Minister can explain what exactly the benefit of doing things in that way are.
The main departure from our proposals comes with clause 38 and schedule 8, which introduce financial limitations for overseas workday relief. Is that to compensate for the additional year in which the relief will now be claimable? How significant does the Treasury expect the impact of the alteration to be? I would be grateful if the Minister can indulge me by outlining an explanation on those points.
I thank the shadow Minister for his comments. I was going to thank him for his support for these measures, but I do not know whether he explicitly said that. I think he nearly did, so I will take it as support unless he jumps in to correct me.
One of the key measures that the shadow Minister highlighted in our package of legislative measures that is the subject of clause 37 is the temporary repatriation facility, an important feature of the system we are seeking to introduce. What it does—I say this so that all Members are aware—is to introduce a reduced tax rate for remittances to encourage individuals to bring their capital to the UK and to spend and invest it here. The fact that it will raise considerable revenue is beneficial to the public finances, but it is also critical to recognise that that is a consequence of people bringing money into the UK to spend and invest here, which is something I am sure the Opposition side of the Committee will welcome as well.
The overall scheme in relation to which the TRF operates is the four-year foreign income and gains regime; I set out the details of that in my earlier remarks. It is important to emphasise that this four-year foreign income and gains regime is a competitive regime, focused on getting the best talent and investment we possibly can from around the world into the UK. The restriction on four-year foreign income and gain regime claims that can be made during a check of a tax return is to encourage compliance with UK tax obligations, because obviously that would be an inherent part of the new system we are proposing.
The hon. Gentleman asked further questions about the other reliefs that those claiming the four year foreign income and gains relief would qualify for, and why they are being asked to report their foreign income and gains to HMRC. He made a point about his concern that the reporting requirements were too onerous. However, that information will help the Government to evaluate whether the regime is providing value for money and ensure that the relief supports the aim of encouraging talented people from around the world to come to and invest in the UK.
Having that information will enable HMRC to identify any avoidance risks and to ensure compliance within the new regime. It means that, because all UK taxpayers must report their foreign income and gains, there should be no difference for individuals who make a claim for the foreign income gains regime—because all UK taxpayers would be in that position. Additionally, failing to request information could be considered to run contrary to the UK’s international information-sharing obligations, something we would want to avoid.
I hope the hon. Gentleman can appreciate that the foreign income and gains regime is a competitive one. It is one that explicitly sets out to be internationally competitive to attract people from around the world to come to the UK, to invest their money here, to work to grow the UK economy and to create jobs and wealth here in the UK. We want to make sure people have an attractive regime that they can benefit from when wanting to be part of our mission for economic growth.
I hope the hon. Gentleman also appreciates the important role that the temporary repatriation facility plays, because the shape of the income from the temporary repatriation facility that he spoke about over the scorecard period is intentional. It is by design. If we look at the tax rates charged in the different years, they are 12%, 12% and 15%. That is deliberately to encourage people to make use of the temporary repatriation facility and not leave it all to the last year—to try to ensure that people make use of it across the three years for which it operates. The key reason behind that, although of course the support for public finances is also welcome in terms of balancing the books and supporting our public services, is encouraging people who are currently non-doms to bring their assets to the UK, to spend and invest them here in our country.
Obviously we had plenty of political debates around this in the previous Parliament where the previous Government introduced some of the measures, I would argue under pressure from us, although I am sure the shadow Minister would have a different recollection of how that transpired. The package of measures that we have suggested amend the proposals that we inherited to strengthen them and to make them internationally competitive.
To clarify, the point I am trying to make is that the Minister is rightly trying to ensure that this new regime makes the UK as competitive as possible so that assets flow into our country and we derive revenues from that. The first question I have is, why remove the personal allowance for those who seek to do so? The second is that although the point about the reporting is valid in terms of monitoring, does the Minister accept that that in itself could make the system more complicated and onerous to those who may consider moving their assets to this country? That may result in less money coming through the door, which is exactly why the OBR has rated this as highly uncertain revenue generation. That is the point that I am trying to make.
I thank the hon. Gentleman for his further comments. To address his point regarding the OBR, we seek to strengthen that institution, inspired not least by some of his colleagues’ views of the OBR having damaged trust in it under the previous Government. We wanted to make sure that that could never happen again, by strengthening its standing in law.
As the hon. Gentleman will know, when the OBR is looking at suggested tax changes, particularly when they are more complex than simply changing a rate—when they are more involved—it is a matter of course for degrees of uncertainty to be associated with that revenue from different measures.
The point about the design of the scheme is best answered by explaining that this is about striking the right balance. The hon. Gentleman asked whether the reporting requirements are too onerous. It is a balance between making sure that we minimise the burden on individuals, and of course the businesses that they work for—we want to make sure that we are not putting any onerous requirements on them to report information that is not needed—while, at the same time, making sure that we have the information to be able to evaluate the regime, to identify any avoidance risks and to ensure compliance. It is a constant tension within the tax system to make sure that burdens are as low as possible while ensuring that we have adequate information to prevent non-compliance and so on. Those are the judgments that we have to take as Ministers, but we want to take them in the way that achieves the best possible outcome.
To conclude, the overall package that we are proposing, with the foreign income and gains regime, where foreign income and gains will see no income tax for four years, is more generous—is more attractive—than the remittance basis that is currently in place, because it means that those foreign incomes and gains will not be subject to income tax.
Therefore, I hope that our proposed package is not only positive for public finances here in the UK, but serves as an attractive regime for people around the world with talent and with entrepreneurial spirit, who want to work and invest in our country and help our economy grow, and that they can see that the scheme will help them to do just that. I commend these measures to the Committee.