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This amendment is a drafting point.
Amendment 146, in clause 19, page 18, line 13, after “in” insert “respect of”.
Amendment 169, in clause 19, page 18, line 14, at end insert—
“( ) If—
(a) the tenancy of particular social housing comes to an end after part of a relevant year has elapsed, or
(b) this section ceases to apply in relation to the tenancy of particular social housing after part of a relevant year has elapsed,
the requirement in subsection (1) has effect in relation to the part of the relevant year falling before that time with a proportionate reduction in the maximum amount of rent payable to the registered provider by the tenant.”.
This amendment is a drafting change.
Amendment 171, in clause 19, page 18, line 16, leave out subsection (3) and insert—
“(3) The amount of rent payable to the registered provider by the tenant in respect of the 12 months preceding the first relevant year is to be treated for the purposes of subsection (1) as having been the greater of the following amounts—
(a) the amount of rent that would have been payable in respect of those 12 months if the rate of rent applicable at the beginning of 8 July 2015 had applied during those 12 months, and
(b) if the Secretary of State consents to the use by the registered provider of a different day (“the permitted review day”), the amount of rent that would have been payable in respect of those 12 months if the rate of rent applicable at the beginning of the permitted review day had applied during those 12 months.
(3A) A consent given for the purposes of subsection (3) may be a consent given for a particular case or for a description of cases.
(3B) If a tenancy existing in the first relevant year began before the beginning of 8 July 2015 but less than 12 months before the beginning of the first relevant year, the tenancy is to be treated for the purposes of subsection (1) as having begun at least 12 months before the first relevant year (and subsection (3) is to have effect accordingly).”—(Guy Opperman.)
This amendment clarifies certain points: that subsection (1) applies to a tenancy in existence on 8 July 2015 whether or not the tenancy had existed for the 12 months preceding the first relevant year; that a consent to use a different day for the rent calculation may be given for a description of cases; and that a registered provider who has consent to use a different day may choose to limit the first relevant year’s rent by reference to the greater amount.
With this it will be convenient to discuss the following:
Government amendments 174, 175, 178 and 179.
Government new clause 19—Further provision about social housing rents.
Government new clause 20—Provision about excepted cases.
Government new clause 21—Rent standards.
Government new clause 22—Interpretation.
Government new schedule 1—Further provision about social housing rents.
Government amendments 180 to 183.
It is good see you this afternoon, Mr Owen, as it was this morning.
We recognise that tenancies will start at different points in the four years of rent reductions and that providers will want to know what rent is set on re-lets for new social housing and for conversions to affordable rent. First, I turn to the more substantial amendments in the group, which make more detailed provision for this situation than clause 19 as introduced. They enable a provider to determine the amount of rent that is initially payable when a tenancy begins after 8 July 2015. The cases are not covered by clause 19(1), which applies to the generality of tenants who were tenants of their social housing on 8 July. Clause 19(1) also governs the future rent reductions for all tenants whose tenancies began after 8 July 2015, once they have been tenants for a full relevant year.
New schedule 1 sets out the details of how rent should be set for different types of new tenancies starting after 8 July 2015. It also provides for exceptions, exemptions and enforcement of the schedule. Part 1 provisions are intended to clarify how the rent reduction requirements should be applied in relation to new tenancies after 8 July, whether that is a re-let of existing housing, new social housing or letting at affordable rent. In the first of those instances, re-lets that exist in social housing will be able to be let at the greater of a social rent or an assumed rent rate.
The social rent rate, which is prescribed in sub-paragraph (4) of new schedule 1, is set in relation to a formula that will be set out in regulations. Sub-paragraphs (7) and (8) provide that the Secretary of State may define “formula rate” in the regulations. Our intention is that the regulations will mirror the formula set out in the rent standard guidance and the Government’s guidance on rent. For supported housing, we will continue to allow rents to be set at up to 10% above formula. I appreciate that these are important issues for social housing providers, so I draw Members’ attention to this change.
The assumed rent rate, which is prescribed in sub-paragraph (5), is based on the rent that was payable under a tenancy in place on 8 July, but the calculation reflects the rent reduction requirement. This is important for providers whose rents have historically been set higher than the formula rent at 8 July 2015. In those circumstances, we do not want providers losing more than 1% year-on-year in rent reductions, which would have been the case if rents for all new tenancies were set with reference to the social rent rate.
Sub-paragraph (6) clarifies that, if the tenant is in that social housing for a part of the year only, or if the requirement ceases to apply because of an exception or exemption, the reduction in rent applies on a pro rata basis. In instances of new social housing, the rent will be set with reference to the social rent rate as described above. Paragraph 3 sets out the case for a person becoming a tenant of affordable rent housing after 8 July 2015.
Sub-paragraphs (2) to (4) provide that the rent payable by that tenant should be set at no more than 80% of what would be the market rent for that social housing and that, in the following years, a reduction of 1% per annum applies. Again, such rents will be on a pro rata basis if appropriate. What constitutes affordable rent housing will be set out in regulations made under paragraph 4. The intention is to mirror the existing policy that homes should be let at affordable rent levels only in certain circumstances, including where there are agreements or arrangements with the Homes and Communities Agency, the Greater London Authority and the Secretary of State, to control housing benefit costs.
Part 2 of the new schedule sets out exceptions to, exemptions from, and the enforcement of, the requirements in part 1. Paragraph 5 makes provision for exceptions that mirror those set out in clause 20, namely low-cost home ownership and shared home ownership accommodation, and various exceptions applicable to mortgagees and other lenders when those persons take steps to enforce a security. Paragraph 5(4) gives the Secretary of State a power to make regulations to disapply the requirements of part 1 in other cases, set out in sub-paragraph (5). In particular, the regulations may include provisions on tenants, tenancies, accommodation and events. They may also include provisions on high-income social tenants and on periods when a tenant’s rent is temporarily reduced or waived.
Paragraph 6 of the new schedule relates to the granting of exemptions by the regulator or the Secretary of State and makes equivalent provision to that in clause 22. Paragraph 7 gives the Secretary of State a power to make provision about the enforcement of the schedule, including provisions to apply part 2 of the Housing and Regeneration Act 2008 with modifications.
Part 3 of the new schedule sets out the conditions relating to regulations made under the schedule. Paragraph 9(2) provides that providers must have regard to guidance when determining assumed rent in cases of properties that were not tenanted on 8 July 2015.
Amendment 172 removes the provision made for other cases in the Bill as introduced. Amendment 174 is a drafting amendment linked to new clause 20 on excepted cases under the new schedule and new clause 19, and is necessary to introduce the new schedule. Amendments 175, 178 and 179 are minor technical amendments consequential on new clause 22 and, in the case of amendment 175, on new clause 21.
New clause 21 expands the provision in clause 19(9) of the Bill as introduced. Sections 194(2A) and 198(3) of the 2008 Act give the regulator of social housing the powers to set and revise standards relating to levels of rent. The new clause ensures that the regulator may not issue standards inconsistent with the provisions on social housing rent in the Bill.
New clause 22 simply gives the meaning of various terms set out in the provisions on social housing rent in the Bill. In particular, subsections (3) and (4) clarify when a tenancy begins, when a tenancy is to be treated as continuing although a new tenancy has been granted, and when a tenancy that has been assigned should be treated as coming to an end. The new clause clarifies the position in respect of new grants of tenancies to the same tenant, including at least one of the tenants who formerly held a joint tenancy, as well as certain changes of tenancy under schedule 1 of the Rent Act 1977 and assignments by way of exchange.
I turn briefly now to new clause 20, which provides the Secretary of State with a power to make regulations regarding the maximum amount of rent payable by a tenant in a category excepted by regulations under clause 20 or the new schedule. It also enables the Secretary of State to make provision regarding the maximum amount of rent payable by a tenant who ceases to be excepted from the rent reduction provisions. Those powers are important as they enable the Secretary of State to make regulations to establish the appropriate rent regime for such excepted cases. In so doing, they give flexibility to make provision for special cases—for example, supported accommodation and tenants whose rent has been temporarily reduced. Providers, at present, have discretion to charge high-income social tenants a higher rent, and it is the Government’s intention to exempt such tenants from the rent reduction provisions. It is important to ensure, however, that if a tenant’s income drops below the high-income threshold, they will no longer be required to pay a higher rent, and the Secretary of State will be able to require that under the regulations.
We also recognise that providers’ individual circumstances will differ significantly, and the new clause will give the Secretary of State power to provide in regulations for an exemption regime if a provider needs it. The new clause will also enable regulations to provide for enforcement of the regulations by the regulator. Amendment 180 is consequential on the addition of the new clauses and the new schedule to the Bill.
Amendments 181 to 183 are technical and relate to the date upon which the various provisions come into force. Amendment 181 will ensure that the provisions exempting a registered provider from the rent-reduction measures can come into force from the date of Royal Assent. Although we do not expect registered providers to plan on the basis that an exemption will be granted, it is nevertheless important that a provision is put in place quickly where it is needed. Amendment 182 is consequential on amendment 181. Amendment 183 is consequential on the addition of the new clauses and the new schedule and will enable the Secretary of State to introduce regulations quickly following Royal Assent. The Bill provides that such regulations will come into force on other appointed days for other purposes. The intention is to bring the Bill’s provisions into force on 1 April 2016.
I wish to make a clarification. Earlier, I said that paragraph 6 relates to the granting of exemptions by the regulator or the Secretary of State. I said that it makes equivalent provision to that in clause 22. I should have said clause 21.
I thank you, Mr Owen, and colleagues for forbearing in listening to these detailed, technical and necessary comments. I am sure everyone will appreciate that it is necessary to provide such detail on the changes.
As I said this morning, I accept that these are technical amendments. We will scrutinise them in detail, but I will make more general remarks in relation to my own amendments.
This amendment secures that a private registered provider’s usual practice is determined by reference to numbers of tenancies.
Amendment 148, in clause 19, page 19, line 19, after “A” insert “private”.
Amendment 174, in clause 19, page 19, line 22, at end insert—
“( ) This section is subject to—
(a) section (Provision for excepted cases) (provision for excepted cases);
(b) Schedule (Further provision about social housing rents) (further provision about social housing rents).”
This amendment is a drafting change linked to amendment NC20 (a new clause about excepted cases) and amendment NS1 (a new Schedule making provision about initial levels of rent for tenancies beginning after the beginning of 8 July 2015).
Amendment 175, in clause 19, page 19, line 23, leave out subsections (9) and (10).—(Guy Opperman.)
With this it will be convenient to discuss the following:
“(9A) The Secretary of State must, within 12 months of this section coming into force, produce a report outlining the impact of the reduction in social housing rents on the availability of accessible and supported housing.”
I hope everyone has had a good lunch. The amendments are in my name and those of my hon. Friends.
Clause 19 requires registered social housing providers to reduce the amount of rent payable by a tenant in social housing in England by 1% a year for four years from 1 April 2016. The Government argue that the measure will save money paid on housing benefits. They estimate in the impact assessment that the saving will be approximately £1.995 billion, which, on the surface, seems like a good deal for social tenants. However, there are significant implications for current and future renters.
The Local Government Association has estimated that councils in England will lose more than £2.6 billion, and that 19,000 fewer affordable homes will be built by 2019-20 as a result of the measure. I will come to what that will mean in terms of fewer homes in my area of Oldham, but for housing associations in general, the situation is even worse. The National Housing Federation calculation is that housing association income, collectively, will reduce by £3.85 billion over the next four years, resulting in 27,000 fewer homes being built. That contrasts markedly with the Office for Budget Responsibility assessment in the Budget, which predicts 14,000 fewer affordable homes being built.
Will the Minister confirm how that discrepancy has arisen? Is there a calculation that we are not aware of? Exactly how has that difference come up between the OBR’s 14,000 and the figures of the LGA and the NHF? May I also ask why that was not included in the impact assessment process? At the same time, will he confirm the actual figure for loss of income to be suffered by housing associations by 2020? My colleagues will want to comment about their own areas, but in my area the estimate for loss of income is £15 million. In places such as Oldham, that has significant implications for affordable homes.
In May 2014, following the 2013 spending review, the Government committed to a 10-year rent settlement, which was meant to introduce the necessary long-term certainty needed to attract private investment into building new affordable homes. What has changed? As a result of the longer-term planning with assumptions about what rental incomes they would be receiving, housing associations have been able to borrow for house building at reasonable rates, attracting £6 from the private sector for every £1 of public money, as the Minister said this morning. Moody’s, the rating agency for the social landlords, commented that the change to the 10-year rent settlement and long-term planning came out of the blue, without any consultation, and is making things incredibly difficult, threatening the viability of many housing associations. We will debate that under a subsequent clause. The OBR acknowledged the difficulty caused by such a sudden change—it is due to be implemented next year. It also said—this is absolutely key—that:
“We do not expect private sector house-builders to offset this effect to any material degree.”
That is in paragraph 3.84 of the OBR publication accompanying the July Budget.
The ability of housing associations to borrow and the effect of the measure on their ability to build more affordable homes are key concerns not only of housing commentators, but of the 1.38 million or so people who are on local authority housing lists—that is a 2014 figure, the latest produced by the Government—71% of whom are in receipt of housing benefit. I will be grateful if the Minister confirms what assessment has been undertaken. How will the provision affect social housing waiting lists? We know from last year’s Work and Pensions Committee report on affordable housing that there are considerable issues for people in receipt of housing benefit in being taken on by private sector landlords. What will be the impact of the measure on social housing waiting lists and people’s ability to move into the private rented sector?
It is important that we look at what the Government are proposing in the context of the housing market as a whole. Most people recognise—possibly the Government do not—that there is a housing crisis in this country, and this measure will make it worse. The Government’s own figures show that from 2012 onwards there has been a huge decline in affordable homes being built, from 37,680 in 2012 to 10,840 in 2014. That brings it to a 20-year low.
My hon. Friend may be aware that my local authority, Southwark, is the largest landlord in London. In the previous Parliament, it was able to build more affordable homes than any other local authority, and it has a commitment to 11,000 new council homes in a welcome house building programme. However, the measures in the Bill would leave Southwark Council’s housing revenue account with a loss of £62.5 million by 2019-20, and in that year it would lose £28.2 million, with a knock-on effect on its ability to provide sufficient accommodation. I hope the Minister will commit to meeting my council to address those concerns, and I would welcome my hon. Friend encouraging him to do so.
As my hon. Friend rightly says, Southwark is the largest housing provider in London, and London faces particular issues.
Policy measures that have already been implemented have exacerbated the problems that we face on affordable homes. For example, the Government waived the mandatory quota for building affordable homes in new developments, which has further contributed to the poor quantity of affordable homes. The coalition Government allow developers to build more properties for rent in the private rented market, and by deregulating what was already the least regulated private rental sector in Europe, they open the door to rogue landlords.
The Government used £12 billion of taxpayers’ money to guarantee £130 billion of new mortgage lending in the form of the Help to Buy scheme. That has done little to help renters become buyers and homeowners. Instead, it has fuelled increases in new house prices and private sector rents, as many owners either sell or rent their properties as soon as the subsidies run out, and the increase in private sector rents has fuelled the increase in the housing benefit bill over the past five years. It has gone up from £4.4 billion in 2009-10 to £24 billion in 2014-15.
To further demonstrate the Government’s inability to understand the housing crisis in London in particular, is my hon. Friend aware that the Help to Buy scheme helped a very round number of people in the run-up to May 2015—an incredibly round number of zero—and that I have written to the Government to ask for improvements to the scheme? Unfortunately, no sufficient response was forthcoming.
My hon. Friend makes an important point. To be honest, I am not surprised. The Minister this morning was unclear about the rise in the housing benefit bill. As I was saying, it is up from £4.4 billion in 2009-10 to £24 billion in 2014-15—those are the actual figures. I know my hon. Friends will want to raise this point, but I will bring it up first: the number of people in work and claiming housing benefit has doubled to 1.1 million since May 2010.
Absolutely. The language used is sometimes unfortunate; it leads to a misconception that is commonly put out to the public arena. We all have an obligation to not mislead the public.
Extending the right to buy, which was mooted in the Tory party manifesto and set out this week in the Housing and Planning Bill, may increase homeownership —we all want to encourage homeownership—but without building more social housing, the extension will just reduce the supply of affordable homes for people on low income to rent. What will happen then? The average house price in the UK is more than £180,000. In London, it is more than £460,000. It has been estimated that it would take 22 years for people on low and middle incomes to save for a deposit.
I remind the Government of all the warm words from last week’s Tory party conference about helping people in poverty and with low incomes. There is a practical measure that the Government can take to do something about that, and I challenge them to do so. Housing is one of the biggest costs families face, and the Government’s plan will make the situation worse. Many young people, but not exclusively young people, are living with their parents or renting—the so-called “generation rent”. Inequalities are unfortunately increasing, not only in income but in wealth and assets, such as housing and land. Those inequalities, including the cost and availability of land, are key to addressing the housing crisis.
In addition to the effects of the plans on the building of affordable homes, there will undoubtedly be an impact on housing repair and regeneration programmes. The Local Government Association estimates that the loss in income from rent is equivalent to 60% of all local authorities’ total housing maintenance budget. That is significant. Ultimately, there will be an impact on both the integrity and the condition of the stock, and on maintaining decent home standards.
Is my hon. Friend aware of any Government assessment of the medium to longer-term impact of the policy? If they denude associations of cash now, it saves the Government their £250 million or £300 million, but in the longer term, trying to claw back the lack of investment and denuding of the infrastructure might cost double or triple that.
My hon. Friend makes a valid point that needs to be driven home. There is such a poor evidence base to justify the policy. The Government have calculated the savings to the housing benefit bill, but the potential impact in other areas is significant. As a former public health consultant—I qualified in the ‘90s—I can remember the housing issues such as the need for rehousing on medical grounds, which was commonplace due to the poor quality of housing. A lot has been done to improve housing conditions though the decent homes programme and so on, and we do not want to reverse that. It would be particularly harmful to tenants, and particularly the young.
Is the Minister aware that the measure will disproportionately affect certain housing associations in my constituency that cater for larger families? We have had the bedroom tax, and these measures feel like an extension of that sanction, which particularly affects more vulnerable people, such as women fleeing domestic violence. The Black Women’s Support Project in Bradford will suffer; I know because had a conversation with the chief executive, as I have served on the board in the past.
Again, my hon. Friend makes a valid point. Yes, there will be a small reduction in rent, which will be reflected in a reduction in housing benefit, but the cumulative impacts on individual families and in other spending areas will be considerable.
My point is that the measures will particularly affect the very young, the very old and people with existing health conditions and disabilities. As we anticipate, that is a logical consequence of reducing the maintenance budget, because the quality of housing will be affected. What assessment has been made? It is clear that the provision will push more households into the private rented sector, where there are currently 1.5 million families with insecure tenancies who could be evicted with as little as two months’ notice. Homelessness and rough sleeping have risen over the past five years, with 54,000 accepted as homeless, up 36% since 2010, and 920 families with children being illegally housed in bed and breakfasts for longer than six weeks because there is no affordable housing. That figure has risen by 820%. Again, how is it anticipated the measures will affect the homelessness figures?
On the point about homelessness, is my hon. Friend aware that in London since 2010, the number of former armed forces members sleeping rough has risen elevenfold, and does she agree that that heaps shame on the Government’s attitude towards those who have served in our country’s armed forces?
My hon. Friend makes a valid point. People whom we should be supporting after their service to our country are unfortunately finding themselves without a roof over their head. I say “unfortunately”; there are means to prevent it. The measure will stop the roll-out of the affordable homes programme and have an impact on armed forces personnel and people leaving care, who are more likely to need affordable homes. A whole host of people will be impacted.
What assessment has been undertaken of the viability of registered social landlords? I know that we will debate that when we come to a later clause, but given the risks that people already face, for example from the introduction of universal credit and the lowering of the benefit cap, housing associations have a genuine concern about how they will measure it in practice. I refer to one of my own local housing associations. I mentioned the £15 million reduction in income from rent; it will have to deal with that, including through redundancies and by rowing back on some of the programmes by which it hoped to upgrade accommodation. What assessment has been made of the risks being shifted to housing associations?
Amendment 21 would compel the Secretary of State to produce a plan within 12 months of the provision coming into force to offset the impact of the reduction in rent, so that the building of affordable homes is not affected. We are asking the Government to say within 12 months how they will stop the building of affordable homes being pared back, as the LGA and the NHF anticipate.
I am sure that my hon. Friend is not aware of this; I do not know whether the Minister is aware, but it would be interesting if my hon. Friend could check it out in due course. Riverside Housing Association, which is one of my local housing associations, estimates that the rent reductions will require an additional internal subsidy of £12,000 per home built for rent, and an additional internal subsidy of £12 million for the current programme—a 50% increase. Are the Government aware of the implications for building when they take that much money out of the system in one fell swoop? Do they seriously believe that that will not have an impact on housing in the medium term?
Thank you, Mr Owen, for that clarification. My hon. Friend makes a relevant point, and perhaps he will ask the Minister directly.
Amendment 85 would require the Secretary of State to produce a report on the availability of accessible and supported housing. Finally, amendment 184 would introduce a sunset clause so that there would be no further reductions in rent after 2020. These things have a way of continuing, so we want to ensure that it is clear that the Government intend there to be no further rent reductions after 2020.
I am grateful to the hon. Lady for the measured way she has approached the debate and presented the case for her amendments. I am grateful to her for moving amendments 21 and 85, because they give me the opportunity to set out clearly why we have put these measures in the Bill.
The housing benefit bill for England in the social sector now stands at £13 billion, having risen by nearly a fifth over the past ten years. Rising rents in the social housing sector are fuelling that increase, with average rent increases in the social sector more than double those in the private sector over the past five years. The Government are determined to put welfare spending on a sustainable footing and reduce the deficit while protecting the most vulnerable. We made commitments to deliver £12 billion of welfare savings, and the scale of the housing benefit bill means that we must address it, including through social rents, if we are to reduce the deficit.
The Minister’s concern for the rising rents in housing associations might be more welcome if it were married with concern for the rise in the private rented sector. Why is the Minister reluctant to address the concern of 70,000 private renters in Southwark and the steep rent rises they face?
Let us talk about the private rented sector. In the years 2004 to 2014, the rent increase in the private rented sector was 23%, according to the Office for National Statistics. In the same period, the social housing rent increased by 63%. If that does not show that there is a difference, I do not know what does.
I would be happy to take the Minister around Islington, where, I can assure him, the social rent levels are very much lower than private rent levels and the private rents are going up enormously. In my borough, we have great problems finding accommodation for people in the private rented sector if we cannot provide sufficient housing for them in the social rented sector, which we cannot. Our concern is that everything that the Government are currently doing is undermining the social rented sector and will, in the end, lead to a bigger benefit bill.
May I ask for clarity? The whole point about the public sector is that it reinvests the money into new houses, new stock, decent homes and so on. The corporate group of the public sector tends to do that—it is part of its raison d’être—but the private sector is not doing it. Will the Minister give his view on that?
I thank the hon. Gentleman for that contribution. I am mindful of the fact that he was a council leader before entering Parliament, and he brings added value to the Committee, and indeed the House, as a result. I will address the issue he has referred to and the argument that there will be a reduction in housing, so if he will please bear with me for a while longer, I will tell him why I believe that these measures will not have the impact that Opposition Members seem to think they will.
The Government have taken the decision to reduce rent increases within the social sector, which is good news for tenants. Just as I did on Tuesday, I pay tribute to the right hon. Member for East Ham (Stephen Timms), who acknowledged on Second Reading that the 1% reduction was a good thing and that he supported it. He is a distinguished Member of Parliament, and I am sorry that the Opposition Front Bench team has been deprived of the benefits he brought to it. He is a former Chief Secretary to the Treasury and a former Department for Work and Pensions Minister, and commands respect on both sides of the House. Given his ministerial experience, he knows the real position, and he said that he felt the 1% reduction was necessary. To be fair to him, he said he had concerns about the housing stock; I will address those concerns shortly, as I said to the hon. Member for Bootle. However, he recognised that the 1% reduction is necessary.
Rents paid by social housing tenants in England will reduce by 1% a year for four years from 2016. That means that by 2020 they will be paying roughly £12 per week less than they would have had to pay under the current policy of increases at a rate of the consumer prices index plus 1%. The policy will also help taxpayers, who are subsidising rents through the rising housing benefit bill. It is interesting that we have heard a lot of comments regarding housing associations, but no one seems to be acknowledging the financial benefit of £12 a week to the people living in those houses.
To return to the Minister’s point about the benefit to the taxpayer, people living in lots of different types of supported accommodation, in social housing or in housing association housing are also in work and are taxpayers. I wonder how many times we will have to repeat that point to the Minister. They are not two distinct groups. Everybody pays tax, so will he please stop making out that one group of people is paying for another?
The hon. Lady speaks of one group. The only conversations we hear are about the people she refers to; she does not talk about the people who are paying through their taxes for social housing but do not live in it. She speaks of a distinction she would rather I did not make—she would rather that we all spoke of just one group. She needs to recognise that there is another group. Perhaps she might reflect on those people occasionally.
We need to treat this debate as one taking place in Parliament, not in a sixth-form debating society.
Absolutely, Mr Owen. I refer to all taxpayers, whether or not they are in social housing. All are equal in the contribution they make, but we must recognise that the taxpayer is paying a huge amount into the social housing budget at the moment. We have decided that a 1% reduction is fair. An argument has been put forward about there being inadequate housing; I will come to that shortly.
We recognise that the reductions will have an impact on registered providers of social housing, although we believe that most will be able to manage them. We need to reflect and remember, as Opposition Members conveniently forget to do, that many housing associations are in a robust financial position, with strong balance sheets and £2.4 billion of surplus in 2014. We need to recognise that 165 local authorities with a housing revenue account have built up housing revenue account reserves of almost £2.2 billion.
Naz Shah rose—
A lot of questions were asked, and I would like to have the opportunity to address the issue of additional funds. I will give way to the hon. Lady in due course.
We need to recognise the £2.4 billion in surplus funds that housing associations have and the £2.2 billion that the 165 local authorities have in their housing revenue accounts. We should also remember the Government’s £10 billion debt guarantee scheme to support the delivery of new rental homes, and we are encouraging the supply of new homes with a £1 billion build to rent fund.
I will not for the moment.
The Government remain committed to the delivery of 275,000 homes over the course of this Parliament. I remind Opposition Members that we have a track record of delivery—in the past five years we delivered more affordable homes than the Labour party did in 13 years of Government.
I will not give way to the hon. Lady.
We also need to remember that when the Labour party was in power, house building fell to its lowest level since the 1920s. In England—
Several hon. Members rose —
In England, only 75,000 homes were started between June 2008 and June 2009, the lowest level of building since the 1920s. So Government Members will take no lectures from Opposition Members when it comes to house building. They need to reflect on a whole host of other things—
I thought I had made it clear that the £2.4 billion was in the 2014 financial year. The £2.2 billion for local authorities was in the last financial year.
The Minister used careful language—“most” and “many”—when talking about the financial robustness of housing associations. What distinction is made for those housing associations that are not in as strong a financial position? How will they be supported through a change that could see them lose significant sums?
I appreciate that the hon. Gentleman is still reading the Bill, but when he gets further on he will find a subsequent clause that deals with exceptions, including local authorities or housing associations that might be in financial difficulty, and there are measures to deal with them.
To help further, the regulator will be on hand to assist housing associations in considering how they can deliver more efficiency and better value for money. My colleagues at the Department for Communities and Local Government continue to engage with all those concerned as they develop plans to meet the reductions. We acknowledge, however, that there might be some circumstances in which the reduction policy should not apply. Clause 20 therefore provides some statutory exceptions and for further provision to be set out in regulation. In clause 21 we have also allowed for circumstances in which the financial viability of a private registered provider might be jeopardised. In such circumstances a provider may apply to be exempt from the rent reductions; similar provision is made for local authorities.
As for the number of new homes being built, the Government remain absolutely committed to ensuring housing for those who cannot access the market, and we support the ongoing role that the housing association sector has to play in the supply of affordable housing, as well as driving more home ownership. There continues to be a role for housing associations in delivering the mix of housing supply that the country needs, as we have already seen with the delivery of 260,000 new affordable homes over the past five years. We are committed to delivering 275,000 homes by 2020.
We do not believe that there is a need for a plan or a report, as suggested in the amendments. Our approach is measured and will be good for tenants and taxpayers while building in safeguards for supported accommodation and the financial viability of private registered providers. On amendment 184, the Government have made a commitment to reduce rents for a period of four years from April 2016, which is made clear in clause 19 and the new schedule. I hope amendment 21 will be withdrawn.
The amendments have been drafted in consultation with a number of agencies, housing associations, the National Housing Federation and the Local Government Association. Moody’s has also criticised the Government’s measures. The Minister said that my right hon. Friend the Member for East Ham supports this measure, but he supports and has put his name to amendments 21 and 85.
Amendment 21 reflects the concern about the affordable homes building programme, which is why we have asked for a plan. We are not convinced that the Government will follow through, which is why I have moved the amendment.
On the other, more general points, I gently refer the Minister to the Government’s own data on house building performance, which were published this summer. Unfortunately, since 2010 the Government have presided over the lowest level of house building in peacetime since the ’20s—those are the Government’s own figures. I will not press the amendment but, again, I refer the Minister to the figures on affordable homes. We are really concerned about what is happening. I beg to ask leave to withdraw the amendment.
On a point of order, Mr Owen. I raised a point of order on Tuesday about a letter promised by the Minister for Employment. I now have a copy of the letter, for which I am grateful. There was clearly a mix-up, because it was sent some time ago. However, the letter does not answer the specific point about how the Government will assess the impact on disabled people in different areas.
On 17 September we discussed the impact on disabled people and carers and how to assess that impact more effectively. The Minister committed to providing an explanation of how that will be done. The letter I received talks about how Dr Simon Duffy has not responded to something for which the Department has asked—that is the block. I expected that the Department would outline what it is doing, not what it is not doing. I am keen to get more information on how the Government will address that.
I have the gist of what the hon. Gentleman is saying. I was not in the Chair for the first point of order, and this is not a point of order for me. He has asked a question of the Minister, who is in her place. If she wishes to enhance what she said, she has the opportunity to do so, but he hon. Gentleman has his point on the record. We now need to move on.