Sentencing: Drug Dealing

Opposition Business – in the Northern Ireland Assembly at 3:45 pm on 21 April 2026.

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Photo of Mark Durkan Mark Durkan Social Democratic and Labour Party 3:45, 21 April 2026

I beg to move

That this Assembly expresses serious concern with the growing number of drug-related deaths in Northern Ireland, which have increased by 47% in a decade; recognises that addiction is a complex public health issue requiring early Intervention and timely access to treatment; acknowledges the need for coordinated efforts between the Department of Health, the Department of Justice, the Department of Education and the Department for Communities to improve prevention and recovery pathways; notes the devastating impact of the illegal supply of drugs on families and communities; supports the campaign for Jasmin’s law to secure accountability for those who profit from the sale of drugs; and calls on the Minister of Justice to address sentencing frameworks for those convicted of drug supply offences in the Criminal Justice (Sentencing etc) Bill, prioritising measures that ensure penalties properly reflect the harm caused by so-called death dealers, act as a meaningful deterrent and demonstrate that those who devastate lives and profit from addiction will face consequences proportionate to the gravity of their crimes.

Photo of John Blair John Blair Alliance

The Business Committee has agreed to allow up to one hour for the debate. The proposer of the motion will have five minutes to propose and five minutes to make a winding-up speech. As an Amendment has been selected and is published on the Marshalled List, the Business Committee has agreed that eight minutes will be added to the total time for the debate. The Minister of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs will respond to the debate on behalf of the Minister of Justice. Mr Durkan, please open the debate on the motion.

Photo of Mark Durkan Mark Durkan Social Democratic and Labour Party

Thanks, Deputy Speaker.

I welcome the chance to bring this important motion and address an issue that continues to cast a long and dark Shadow over our communities. That drug-related deaths here have increased by nearly 50% over a decade shows the scale of the problem, but that shocking, sad and shameful statistic is just the tip of the iceberg when it comes to the chaos and carnage caused by drugs in our communities. It is also indicative of the Executive's failure to get a handle on a spiralling situation, whether through providing timely access to support services or proper deterrence in the justice system. Too many lives have been cut short, families shattered, children left without parents, parents left grieving for sons and daughters and communities carrying pain that often goes unseen.

The motion recognises that addiction is a complex public health issue. It is an issue wrapped up in trauma, poverty and mental illness — circumstances that can, and often do, leave people vulnerable to substance misuse and dependency in the first place. We need coordinated action across government from every Department, because addiction does not fit neatly into one departmental box. While addiction requires compassion and treatment, there must also be accountability for those who profit from misery. Across communities, families are living with the devastation caused by drugs. Those who sell illegal substances often exploit vulnerability. They target those who are already struggling, fuel dependency and poison communities.

The call for Jasmin's law has emerged from personal tragedy and from the determination of one woman — Pauline Duddy — to ensure that no other family endures the same loss and pain. Pauline is a formidable and ferocious campaigner, and she is in the Public Gallery this afternoon. She has shown extraordinary courage in turning personal grief into public advocacy following the loss of her daughter Jasmin in 2023. Pauline has given a voice to families who often feel voiceless in the face of such huge loss, and her campaign is a stark reminder that what we are discussing today is real lives, real tragedies and the need for real action.

Sentencing must do more than simply process offenders. It must protect the public and hold their confidence. It must also act as a real deterrent. When sentences are reported, the reaction from the public is usually one of anger and disbelief, with many feeling that serious drug-related crimes have resulted in little more than a slap on the wrist.

Those death dealers poison communities, exploit vulnerability, sow addiction, destroy lives and wreak devastation that filters across generations, yet, far too often, those who do appear before the courts receive suspended sentences and are often even given anonymity orders. They then return to the same streets, to the same communities that they have harmed, and the cycle continues.

The motion is about ensuring that death dealers are dealt punishment and sentences that truly reflect the harm that they cause. It is not about punishment for punishment's sake. Rather, it is about deterrence, protection and sending a clear message that those who profit from addiction and misery will face consequences that are proportionate to the damage that they inflict. I call on the Justice Minister to take that into consideration and include Jasmin's law in the Criminal Justice (Sentencing etc) Bill. The Amendment rightly highlights the role of paramilitary organisations and crime gangs in the drugs trade. Sadly, however, my party will not be supporting it, because we feel that the wait for a sentencing council would significantly prolong the process of securing deterrents. I believe that the Lady Chief Justice has voiced similar concerns. We cannot afford to delay action on the issue.

There is no single solution to a crisis on this scale. It requires a full government response. That starts with tougher sentencing practices that recognise the suffering that drug dealers cause. It means providing access to timely support and delivering recovery programmes and appropriate housing placements that will help rebuild lives and communities. For the sake of those whom we have lost, the families who are still grieving and the communities that are still living with that harm, the —

Photo of Doug Beattie Doug Beattie UUP

I beg to move the following Amendment:

Leave out all after "families and communities;" and insert: "further notes that paramilitary groups have morphed into organised crime gangs that control the illegal drugs trade in Northern Ireland; supports the campaign for Jasmin’s law to secure accountability for those who profit from the sale of drugs working alongside the Executive’s tackling paramilitarism, criminality and organised crime programme; and calls on the Minister of Justice to address sentencing via a sentencing council for those convicted of drug-supply offences in the Criminal Justice (Sentencing etc) Bill, prioritising measures that ensure penalties fully reflect the harm and devastation caused by those who are dealing illegal drugs, act as a meaningful deterrent and demonstrate that those who devastate lives and profit from addiction will face consequences proportionate to the gravity of their crimes."

Photo of John Blair John Blair Alliance

Thank you. The Member has five minutes in which to propose the Amendment and three minutes in which to make a winding-up speech. All other Members who are called to speak in the debate will have three minutes. Please open the debate on the amendment.

Photo of Doug Beattie Doug Beattie UUP

Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. First, I thank the party opposite for tabling what is a really important motion. I also thank Minister Muir for coming here on behalf of Minister Long. Please pass on our regards to her. I hope that she gets better soon.

The motion rightly expresses concern about drug-related deaths and the 47% increase that there been in a decade. It also sets out the complex issues of drug addiction and the need for joined-up thinking from the Department of Health, the Department of Education, the Department of Justice and the Department for Communities to improve prevention and recovery outcomes. We need to involve all Departments. To me, however, the main thrust of the motion is about something different. It is about those who deal illegal drugs for profit: individuals who do not care about the human cost of peddling drugs and who target the very young and the very old. They will drag people into a life of addiction in order to line their pockets. Those individuals have a negative impact on our society and should be dealt with by a robust criminal justice system.

The issue is how we deal with them in the criminal justice system when they are found guilty of dealing drugs and what should inform sentencing. On previous occasions, I have been clear that custodial sentences of less than 12 months are pointless, because very little can be done in a 12-month period. Serious offences deserve stronger custodial sentences, in line with the principles of sentencing: rehabilitation, deterrence, protecting the public and punishment. All four principles are key, but the last three need to be found within a suitable sentence for those who deal drugs. That means stiffer sentences for those who are found guilty of supplying illegal drugs; stronger sentences where drug dealers have caused death and harm; longer sentences for repeat offenders and longer probation monitoring; and extended time in custody rather than on licence and continued probation monitoring.

Pauline Duddy, who lost her daughter Jasmin, aged just 21, after she was supplied with illegal drugs, is right to call for an aggregating factor to be considered when sentencing.

We can do that and do so quickly in the Criminal Justice (Sentencing etc) Bill.

Part of our Amendment mentions:

"the Executive’s tackling paramilitarism, criminality and organised crime programme".

We cannot ignore the role that paramilitaries and organised crime groups play in the supply of illegal drugs and their control of the drugs trade. We have to tackle that. I believe in the tactic of clear, hold and build: clear an area of organised crime gangs that deal drugs through policing, education, community resilience and a robust criminal justice system to protect the public; hold through visible and continual police presence and community support, using sentencing as a deterrent; and build on that community's resilience and Opposition to drug dealers by highlighting the higher sentences for drug dealers.

Lastly, our amendment lays out the need to reform sentencing in Northern Ireland "via a sentencing council". I am disappointed that the party opposite will not support that, because it supported us in June, when I brought that suggestion to the Floor. It would involve no time lag, because provisions on a sentencing council would go in the same Criminal Justice (Sentencing etc) Bill and come out the other end of that, if there is support for it. We have such a council in England, Wales, Scotland and Ireland, but we do not have one in Northern Ireland. It is the only place that does not have a sentencing council. A sentencing council will develop sentencing guidelines, monitor and assess the impact on perpetrators and victims, and promote public understanding.

I remain of the belief that sentence credit — that is, a sentence reduction, which means that we give a drug dealer, even one who is a repeat offender or has caused death or harm, up to a quarter off their sentence — needs to be reviewed. Those who deal drugs deal death, and that will happen unless we start to take robust action against them.

I will not stand against the motion, but I commend the amendment to the House.

Photo of Emma Sheerin Emma Sheerin Sinn Féin

In the previous debate, I commented that the particular blight on communities that we were discussing was concentrated in urban areas. The issue of substance misuse and abuse, addiction and the dealing of illegal drugs is often perceived as an urban issue, but it hides in plain sight. It is definitely an issue across all our constituencies and areas.

At the outset, I commend Pauline Duddy for her work on the issue. I have not met Pauline personally, but my colleague Ciara Ferguson relayed to me at the end of last week the sheer volume of work that Pauline has done in honour of her daughter, Jasmin. Pauline, it is commendable that you have managed to turn that pain into something that is positive for other people and that you are trying to help other young people in Jasmin's situation, so that other families do not have to suffer what you suffered. You should be highly commended for that.

The issue of substance abuse and drug and alcohol addiction in our society is multifaceted. Drug dealers are able to exist and profit from the suffering and misery of others oftentimes because there is a veil of secrecy around them. Shame and stigma exist when we talk about illegal drugs. I am talking from the perspective of someone from a rural area, where people often do not want to acknowledge that the problem exists. With the best will in the world, whilst they might not want to face that fact head-on, all that leads to is more suffering and pain in our communities, because, unless we challenge it, we will not deal with it.

I agree with many of the remarks that were made by the proposer of the motion and the proposer of the Amendment about the need to deal with those disgusting individuals head-on. We have situations across the North where those people masquerade as some sort of political actors and hide behind the cloaks of paramilitary organisations. They are criminals; that is what they are. They are gangsters, and they control too many of our communities. We need to put a stop to that.

There is a massive piece of work here. A cross-departmental, multi-agency approach is required. We need to see it as a priority that victims, young people in particular, who are vulnerable to drug abuse and who get involved in those situations without an understanding of the implications and the danger to their lives, are not attacked or criminalised. We need to criminalise and punish those who are responsible: the dealers.

Photo of Paul Frew Paul Frew DUP 4:00, 21 April 2026

I rise to speak to the very serious motion before us today. I thank the Opposition for bringing it to the House because I think that it will be a worthwhile debate.

First, I pay tribute to Pauline Duddy, who has corresponded with me. I am yet to meet Pauline, but I promised her that I will meet her today, and I will fulfil that promise after the debate. We have to hear what Pauline Duddy has to say. She has done a tremendous amount of work. She has worked with my Foyle colleagues up in Londonderry on what is a very important issue for her. I can only imagine what it is like to lose a daughter, but for Pauline to use that grief and campaign tirelessly to make life better for other families whose loved ones could suffer the same fate as Jasmin is admirable, and it is something that the House needs to note. We should do that in the Assembly and in the Justice Committee when we are reviewing and scrutinising the Criminal Justice (Sentencing etc) Bill.

I note that the Minister has launched the sentencing review. The Department did that on 14 January. I had a wry smile to myself when I saw that sentencing review because, while it is right to review sentencing and other Laws, the Minister was, at that time, about to launch her Criminal Justice (Sentencing etc) Bill. I always talk about piloting things to death, and, sometimes, we review things to death. I think that the review was a defensive manoeuvre to assure us that, "We are looking at it, and it will be in the next Bill", when, really, we should be considering it in this Bill. It is just one of those topics that the Department, the Committee and the Assembly should attest to, assess and scrutinise now, and it should be placed in the Criminal Justice (Sentencing etc) Bill now.

Photo of Andrew Muir Andrew Muir Alliance

Will the Member acknowledge that the area that we are considering is complex, and it is important to give due consideration to the issues concerned? The merit of having the review is to make sure that whatever legislation we make is effective and good law.

Photo of John Blair John Blair Alliance

The Member has an extra minute.

Photo of Paul Frew Paul Frew DUP

Yes. I thank the Minister for saying that. He would say that, and the Justice Minister would say that too if she were sitting here, but the truth is this: people die on our streets because of drug use and death dealers, who peddle death, peddle drugs and peddle substances that they even make worse chemically , and prey on our young people and our most vulnerable. That is unforgivable, so something needs to be done.

We always hear, in political circles, about being tough on crime. I do not necessarily like that phrase because I think that we should be smarter on crime. Sometimes, being smarter on crime means being tougher on crime, and sometimes it just means being smarter. I think that that is one area where we should get smarter. That is where aggravation comes into it. We should be able to allow and arm our judiciary to consider aggravating factors so that people who need to go to prison can go to prison for longer.

I support the motion and, in the interests of keeping things collective, support the Amendment.

Photo of Connie Egan Connie Egan Alliance

Substance misuse can cause undeniable harm for individuals, their loved ones and our communities. As the motion notes, there has been a 47% increase in the number of drug-related deaths registered in Northern Ireland in the past decade alone. Delving further into that data, we can see that it is about access to not just one singular drug for any one person, but access to multiple drugs. Almost three quarters of drug deaths in 2003 involved two or more substances. Those who are struggling with addiction are deserving of respect, empathy and therapeutic support.

The motion recognises that the hold that drug misuse has on vulnerable individuals is terrifying. However, those who are dealing drugs and are responsible for facilitating and supporting such a damaging intake of illegal substances need to face consequences. There is no way that we can bring back a loved one who has died following drug consumption, but we can ensure that those who made it happen are brought to justice, especially when they are so often tied to organised crime and paramilitary-related activity. For that to happen, we need to have a robust and accountable framework for how we deal with drug-related offences, especially when dealing has resulted in the death or serious injury of another person.

I commend the immense bravery of Pauline Duddy, who lost her daughter Jasmin. That has really catapulted the public conversation about how we should be bringing accountability for those who profit from the sale of drugs. We all know of Pauline's work to update Northern Ireland's approach to the enforcement of drug-related legislation, but also the need to maintain the dignity of those who are receiving treatment. To channel such personal loss into a very public quest for change is not easy, and Pauline has done that with absolute grace and dignity.

It is, of course, of note that drugs misuse policy is reserved to our counterparts at Westminster under the Misuse of Drugs Act 1971, but that does not mean that we should shy away from making our own positions clear as an Assembly. In that spirit, I welcome the Department of Justice having put on public record its commitment to taking forward Jasmin's mum Pauline's proposals in the scope of the ongoing sentencing review, so that those can be included in the Department's policy development and put out to public consultation.

Photo of Andrew Muir Andrew Muir Alliance

Does the Member understand and accept that the sentencing review is the proper forum in which to fully consider that?

Photo of John Blair John Blair Alliance

The Member has an extra minute.

Photo of Connie Egan Connie Egan Alliance

I agree with that. It is important that we get the legislation right and that it is effective.

Drug dealing is not a victimless crime, and consequences must be felt and must match public expectations. It is important that we keep pace with what those in law enforcement, including the PSNI and our judiciary, need to make that happen. On that point, I welcome the fact that the Consideration Stage of Minister Long's Justice Bill will include two additional amendments that are focused on tackling organised crime. If those proposals are accepted by the Assembly, they will create specific, bespoke offences relating to participating in and directing the criminal activities of an organised crime group. That is essential for the accountability of those who profit from the misery, suffering and, often, death of others across this region.

As the motion and the Amendment both note, those who devastate lives need to face consequences. I and my Alliance colleagues welcome this conversation —

Photo of Connie Egan Connie Egan Alliance

— and recognise Pauline's vital work.

Photo of Órlaithí Flynn Órlaithí Flynn Sinn Féin

Like others, I begin by applauding and commending Pauline Duddy for her campaign on behalf of her daughter and, potentially, every other young person, older person or individual who might be impacted by this issue. It has become Pauline's reality, because she is living it after losing her daughter. I thank her for her campaign. I have had the honour of working closely alongside some families in West Belfast, and one bereaved mother in particular, who lost her son to drugs, is in my mind. I have become very close to that family and seen the impact it has had, not only on the mother, whose life has been destroyed, but on the whole family, including her kids and grandkids. It sends a ripple effect right through a family for generations. I am sorry that they are going through that pain, but fair play and well done to Pauline for all the work that she has put in.

The issue that is being exposed is important. We need to be careful about how we discuss and debate such sensitive issues. On the one hand, we are dealing with sensitivities around the anger, frustration and disgust felt towards the criminals. The words "death pushers" and "preying on the vulnerable" have been used, because that is what drug dealers do: they prey on vulnerable people. They get younger people and vulnerable people into a mix of addiction, drug dealing and criminality. It is about how we can talk about that realistically, given what people are dealing with. There are the absolute criminals who play their part in killing people, and there are the vulnerable people who fall into the throes of addiction, whose own lives end up in the gutter. That is why they run in bad people's circles. It is about how to distinguish in each circumstance between the bad, the good and the vulnerable, which is difficult to do.

The issue that we are debating is extremely important. Pauline and families whom I am working with locally are living it. I will reflect on one wee thing. Sometimes, when you campaign on an issue and work alongside a family who are living it, you are close to it, you are working on it all the time and you understand the importance of the campaign, but I met a school —.

Photo of John Blair John Blair Alliance

Your time is up. You have had three minutes.

Photo of Órlaithí Flynn Órlaithí Flynn Sinn Féin

Oh, sorry. OK. Thank you.

Photo of Cheryl Brownlee Cheryl Brownlee DUP

I thank the proposer of this important motion for bringing it to the Assembly. Drug deaths alone do not really reflect the full harm caused by substance misuse. Behind every statistic, there is a much wider story. Families are torn apart, relationships are broken and lives are lost not only through overdose but through addiction, despair and, in far too many cases, suicide. With an average of 130 drug-related deaths each week across the UK, we cannot ignore the scale of the problem.

The issue is not confined to one place. It is not limited to cities or specific communities. It affects families across every bit of Northern Ireland. We must be clear that those who profit from peddling the poison in our communities are not just low-level offenders; they are criminals. Their actions devastate and destroy families. They rob people of their futures and wreck their communities.

Addressing the crisis requires more than isolated action. Whether it is enforcement or prevention, measures can succeed only if there is a truly joined-up UK-wide approach that brings together central government and the devolved Administrations to deliver real, measurable outcomes. We support coordination across all Departments, but that must mean something in practice for the people on the ground. It must mean faster access to treatment, stronger and earlier Intervention in our schools and visible and accessible support in our communities.

It is deeply concerning that, over the past decade, drug-related deaths in Northern Ireland have increased by 47%. Many of us here know people who are living with the devastating consequences of that, and many people watching the debate will have gone through the trauma of losing someone. Early intervention is, of course, key, and we must prioritise funding for prevention and early support. The Department of Health can improve outcomes for individuals and, by doing so, reduce long-term pressures on the health service. Today, even having the conversation brings to light how important it is that we support those who are struggling in the cycle of addiction.

We also must confront the issue of supply. Those convicted of dealing drugs must face consequences that reflect the true gravity of their actions. Sentencing must act as a real and meaningful deterrent and not just be a slap on the wrist. The Sentencing Bill provides an opportunity to ensure that the punishment truly fits the crime. When we look at the high rate of drug-related deaths among our young people aged from 25 to 34, we see lives cut tragically short by supply chains run by individuals who, too often, face consequences that do not reflect the harm that they have caused.

Those who supply drugs to young and vulnerable people show complete lack of regard for human life. That is where the support principle of Jasmin's law and the introduction of that factor comes in, targeting and helping people who are vulnerable.

Photo of John Blair John Blair Alliance

Your time is up.

Photo of Danny Donnelly Danny Donnelly Alliance 4:15, 21 April 2026

I welcome today's motion and the opportunity to discuss the urgent need for a joined-up and proactive response to drug-related harm in Northern Ireland.

I support the principle of stronger accountability for those who profit from the supply of illegal drugs. The devastation caused by drug dealing is real, and the impact on families and communities is tragic and undeniable. Campaigns such as Jasmin's law come from unimaginable pain. That pain deserves to be heard and recognised. I understand that the Justice Minister has recently met Pauline Duddy.

While sentencing has a role to play, it cannot be the whole answer. This has to be about prevention, not just crisis Intervention. The issue crosses many areas of public life, and tackling drug-related harm —.

Photo of Sian Mulholland Sian Mulholland Alliance

Will the Member take an Intervention?

Photo of Sian Mulholland Sian Mulholland Alliance

Does the Member agree that there has to be a multidisciplinary approach and that early Intervention would save money down the line and, hopefully, save lives?

Photo of John Blair John Blair Alliance

The Member has an extra minute.

Photo of Danny Donnelly Danny Donnelly Alliance

I absolutely agree. We need to step in early to save lives. Tackling drug-related harm and prevention is predominantly a health-related issue.

Research from Queen's University has highlighted the fact that young adults aged 25 to 34 account for the highest number of drug-related deaths in Northern Ireland, rising significantly over a decade from 13·4 per 100,000 in 2011 to 27 per 100,000 in 2021. The same research showed that the highest number of ambulance call-outs for drug-related overdose incidents for females was in the 15-19 age category while, for males, it was in the 25-29 age category. Moreover, emergency admissions data indicates that the highest number of hospital admissions for overdose incidents occurred in the 10-19 age group between 2021 and 2023. The rate of drug deaths for under-35s in Northern Ireland is alarmingly high.

The closing lines of Lyra McKee's final article before her murder in 2018, which was about "ceasefire babies", are poignant:

"Your children, they’d told our parents, will be safe now. With the peace deal, the days of young people disappearing and dying young would be gone. Yet this turned out to be a lie, too."

Drug policy reform activist Dr Órfhlaith Campbell highlighted Lyra's work as a stark reminder of the turmoil and mental health challenges faced by that generation. She also highlighted the connection between mental health issues, poverty, deprivation and substance use disorders and acknowledged that, alongside the harrowing rates of suicide, Northern Ireland has suffered significantly from drug-related deaths. Dr Campbell stated:

"As long as drug policy remains rooted in criminalization, efforts to reduce harm, address addiction and save lives will face persistent barriers."

Globally, the tide is turning. In 2022, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, speaking at the UN Commission on Narcotic Drugs, declared:

"if drugs destroy lives, the same can also be true of drug policies."

In March 2024, 60 United Nations countries collectively called for an end to the so-called war on drugs, which, in reality, has been a war on people. The policy that continues to constrain a health-led response in Northern Ireland is Westminster's Misuse of Drugs Act 1971. That legislation is not devolved.

There should be no ambiguity: the issue in Northern Ireland is profound. Campaigns such as Jasmin's law are at the very heart of ensuring that there is accountability, but we must start earlier and be prepared to act before more lives are lost. The recent Drug Deaths Taskforce report's recommendations included increased funding for the staffing of drug outreach services, especially for young people and young adults; introducing real-time drug testing and faster public alerts on dangerous substances; monitoring the emergence of synthetic opioids as an urgent public health priority; strengthening the drug and alcohol monitoring and information system (DAMIS) through the rapid testing of drug samples submitted by community and voluntary organisations; and standardising the emergency department recording of non-fatal overdoses to improve trend analysis, treatment and service planning. If we want safer communities, let us not only punish those who profit from addiction but build a system that reduces harm and prevents more families from ever having to bury a loved one in the first place.

Photo of John Blair John Blair Alliance

I call Minister Andrew Muir to respond to the debate on behalf of the Minister of Justice. Minister, you have up to 10 minutes.

Photo of Andrew Muir Andrew Muir Alliance

Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker.

I welcome the opportunity to respond to this important motion on drug-related sentencing in Northern Ireland on behalf of the Minister of Justice. The figures quoted in the motion are shocking, and the Minister of Justice is in full agreement that it is a matter of serious concern to see the number of drug-related deaths in Northern Ireland increase so significantly over the 10-year period in question. On behalf of the Justice Minister, I acknowledge the overwhelming impact that drugs can have across society. All too often, lives are blighted, with devastating consequences.

Behind the statistics are lives that did not need to be lost and families left devastated. One drug-related death is one too many.

Drug use continues to have a profound impact on people and neighbourhoods. Addressing the harm that arises is an important priority for the Minister of Justice and, indeed, for the wider Executive. The Justice Minister is therefore committed to approaches that combine prevention, support and enforcement, delivered in partnership across sectors.

The Minister is understandably focused on the criminal justice response, which includes enforcement of the law and actions aimed at reducing drug-related harm and offending in Northern Ireland. We must, however, be mindful of the fact that there is no easy solution. As is stated in the motion, issues to do with drugs cut across the whole Executive, involving, for example, the Department of Justice, the Department of Health, the Department for Communities and the Department of Education. We can succeed in improving outcomes only if we see substance use in that broader context and work collectively to target supplies and educate and raise awareness among young and vulnerable people to prevent them from turning to drugs.

Photo of Robbie Butler Robbie Butler UUP

Will the Member take an Intervention?

Photo of Robbie Butler Robbie Butler UUP

Sorry, I meant to say "Minister". I am not diminishing your function.

I do not know whether the Minister mentioned the Department for Communities, but I recognise in my area a growing concern, which is that a lot of vulnerable people who are drug users are being housed in the same premises. Often, that lends itself to an increased vulnerability, in that the predators who push drugs can put even greater pressure on them.

Photo of Andrew Muir Andrew Muir Alliance

I thank the Member for his Intervention. It is critical that we have a supportive environment that enables rehabilitation. It is important that we do that across government.

While enforcement remains necessary as a means of tackling those who supply drugs, it is clear that a complementary approach is necessary. Such an approach includes focusing on harm reduction, treatment and support for those affected by drug use. The Department of Health leads on the development of a public health intervention to address problematic substance use, but, given the complexities of addressing the underlying social determinants, it is recognised that input from key partners is critical to success, with action required from those in education, safeguarding, criminal justice, housing and employment. That joint responsibility is manifested in the 10-year-old Department of Health-led substance use strategy, which is titled 'Preventing Harm, Empowering Recovery' and was co-produced by Departments, agencies, health professionals, the community and voluntary sector and service users. The strategy has specific outcomes that focus on harm reduction, including drug deaths. As part of that work, the Department of Justice is a member of the Department of Health-led substance use strategy programme board, helping to oversee and drive forward the implementation of the strategy.

As for specific actions that contribute to the delivery of the strategy, the justice system is involved in a range of initiatives. Initiatives include promoting and supporting a preventative approach to drug misuse and harm and to vulnerability issues associated with addiction through local interventions delivered through policing and community safety partnerships (PCSPs) and support hubs; supporting young people who are referred to youth justice services and their families; developing problem-solving justice approaches, such as the Substance Misuse Court; supporting offenders in the prison environment; and supporting individuals under supervision through a range of targeted Probation Board services.

The Department of Justice also supports the organised crime task force (OCTF), which is a unique partnership that supports law enforcement, relevant partners and wider civic society. An example of the work of the OCTF's drugs subgroup is its oversight of the Northern Ireland contribution to Operation Pangaea, which is an annual global Interpol operation to safeguard public health and to disrupt and take down criminal activity relating to the trafficking of illegal pharmaceuticals and medical devices that have been purchased online and distributed via the postal system.

The link between paramilitary groups and the illegal drugs trade, as reflected in the Amendment, is also well documented. Paramilitary groups are criminal gangs that seek to exert control in communities through drugs, violence and intimidation, exploiting vulnerability for their own financial gain. 'Drug Related Intimidation in Northern Ireland', the report commissioned by the Executive programme on paramilitarism and organised crime (EPPOC) and published last year, is clear that paramilitary groups are perpetrators of drug-related intimidation in Northern Ireland, are operating as organised crime gangs and are engaged in drug supply and enforcement. We know that organised paramilitary gangs deliberately exploit vulnerable individuals, drawing them into drug use and drug supply, after which they maintain control of them through intimidation, coercion and the threat of harm, including threats related to drug deaths. EPPOC plays a crucial role in addressing the harms caused by paramilitary groups and is leading our preventative effort.

Although law enforcement partners work hard to combat the sale of those illicit substances and remove them from our streets, organised crime groups continue to try to line their own pockets. Those criminals have no regard for individuals or the communities that they purport to protect. We all have a role to play in protecting our communities, and, on behalf of the Justice Minister, I encourage anyone who has any information on that type of criminality to report it to the police.

Members will be aware that the Justice Minister is creating two new offences in the Justice Bill to tackle serious and organised crime. The offences, which will be added by amendment at Consideration Stage, are participating in the criminal activities of an organised crime group and directing the criminal activities of an organised crime group. That legislation is intended to provide law enforcement with a further tool to tackle organised crime and to criminalise those who, at any level, are involved in the commission and undertaking of serious organised crime. It is important that, in any area of criminal law, the offences and penalties available to the judiciary act as an adequate deterrent and properly reflect the harm caused by the offence.

In relation to drug supply and possession offences, Members will be aware that drugs misuse policy is a reserved matter, with significant penalties for offences under the Misuse of Drugs Act 1971, including the possibility of a life sentence for the most serious production and supply offences. Therefore, any changes to classifications and statutory sentencing maxima would require either Westminster legislation or the consent of the Secretary of State if taken forward by an Assembly Bill. It is also important to note that the court will take into account aggravating factors when sentencing offenders for those offences, including where there is evidence of supply to vulnerable persons, including children, as a possible aggravating factor.

The Justice Minister is aware of concerns around the adequacy of sentencing in specific cases of drug offences in this jurisdiction and is keenly aware of the Jasmin’s law campaign, which seeks to introduce a statutory aggravating factor that would apply when the court is sentencing someone for a drugs supply offence and it can be proven that they have supplied drugs to a vulnerable person, which has resulted in serious injury or death. The Justice Minister has asked me to commend Pauline Duddy, Jasmin's mother, for her dedication and tireless campaigning on the issue. Minister Long has met Pauline on several occasions and is continually impressed by her tenacious advocacy for victims of drug dealers. I, as Minister, personally thank her today.

Furthermore, the Minister of Justice shares her desire to ensure that the sentencing framework available for those offences adequately reflects the severity of the crimes and the impact that they have on the community. Therefore, based on the strength of the Jasmin’s law campaign, Minister Long's review of sentencing policy will consider current sentencing practice in Northern Ireland in relation to drugs misuse offences, and departmental officials are undertaking research to better understand how sentencing is operating. The review will also conduct an assessment of sentencing guidelines mechanisms, including the utility of a sentencing guiding council, as proposed in the amendment tabled today. If the review suggests that changes to current sentencing arrangements may be necessary, any proposals will be subject to public consultation, with a view to informing legislative proposals in the next mandate. Subject to resources, it is anticipated that public consultation on policy proposals arising from the review will take place in 2027.

I have limited time, but I will seek to wrap up my contribution. The Justice Minister believes that the sentencing review is an appropriate mechanism to give full and informed consideration to these important matters, rather than rushing to legislate in this mandate. Although the Criminal Justice (Sentencing etc) Bill already contains other statutory aggravators and amendments to the sentencing framework and may appear to provide an appropriate vehicle for legislating quickly, it is critical to remember that those clauses have been drafted following a thorough policy development process. Minister Long is of the view that undertaking adequate research and consultation into the proposals in the motion and the amendment is the appropriate approach going forward.

In closing, the Justice Minister welcomes the opportunity to discuss this important issue and looks forward to working with Members collectively to strengthen the government response to drug misuse and supply, both in the wider public health response and in the strengthening of enforcement arrangements.

Photo of John Blair John Blair Alliance

Thank you, Minister. I call Robbie Butler to make a winding-up speech on the Amendment. You have up to three minutes.

Photo of Robbie Butler Robbie Butler UUP

Thank you very much, Mr Deputy Speaker. I am going to do this slightly back to front. Usually, when we make a winding-up speech, we wait until the last part of our speech to credit those who have spoken, but I will do that first because I thought that an incredible amount of very powerful testimony was delivered today.

I will reference Pauline Duddy, who, evidently, is in the Public Gallery. Every Member who spoke paid tribute to Pauline's courage, tenacity and bravery in trying to get us as legislators to agree that Jasmin's law is absolutely worthy not just of consideration but of application at the appropriate time. I do believe that it will happen. I think that it was Órlaithí Flynn, from Sinn Féin, who said that Pauline does not speak for just herself and Jasmin but for the many families who have had that misery heaped upon them.

I thank the mover of the motion, Mr Mark Durkan. He started by talking powerfully about the profit from misery and the exploitation of the vulnerable. I think that Pauline must be from his Constituency, so I thank him for his work on that. Sometimes in debates, people pop up, and you just know that they are absolutely interested in the topic. I sit on some all-party groups with a number of Members — the mental health all-party group, the addiction and dual diagnosis all-party group and the suicide prevention all-party group — and those Members are the very people who are here today. They are here for the victims but they want to see justice. A point that my party colleague made was that we are here to serve the public, but what do the public think when they see a sentence handed down to someone who dealt drugs that led to a death? Rightly so, they are never happy. That is why the debate is happening.

I thank my colleague Doug Beattie, who sits on the Justice Committee, for his articulate moving of the Amendment, which does bring value because it points out that we are not reinventing the wheel. In other jurisdictions, there is a sentencing council, which should perhaps be looked at. Emma Sheerin, thank you very much for rightly pointing out that this is not just an urban problem. I was here during the previous debate, when you pointed out that perhaps e-scooters were not such a big problem in the countryside, but drugs are nefarious. They leach into every aspect of our community, and where the vulnerable reside, the pushers will go. It is as simple as that.

Paul Frew, Chair of the Justice Committee, was very good. He talked about how dealers prey on the vulnerable and our young people. He introduced a concept that was new to me, which was to be smart on crime rather than simply being tougher. Connie Egan, thank you again, and Órlaithí and Cheryl Brownlee, again, thank you for your contributions.

Speaking as someone who once worked in Maghaberry prison and understood that there were people who ended up in prison, not just the pushers but sometimes very vulnerable drug users, I think that we need to be sensible when we create legislation so that we do not inadvertently punish those who do not need to be punished. However, we have to be explicit and of one voice in saying that if you are a drug dealer, you are a stain on the society of Northern Ireland. You are creating victims in the very families that we represent, but your days are gone because we are going to change the response.

Photo of John Blair John Blair Alliance 4:30, 21 April 2026

I call Colin McGrath to make a winding-up speech to conclude the debate on the motion. You have up to five minutes.

Photo of Colin McGrath Colin McGrath Social Democratic and Labour Party

Thank you very much, Mr Deputy Speaker, and thank you to everybody who contributed to the debate. It is always good towards the end of a couple of days of debate that we get everybody agreeing and on the same page, more or less, on issues, especially when they are so relevant to people's lives.

Over the weekend, I received an email from a constituent in Downpatrick who asked me this simple question: "When are politicians going to address the elephant in the room?". He said that the elephant was drug consumption, not potholes or housing, not the usual issues that dominate our feed and the emails that we get. He said that there was a sense that not enough was being done about drugs. I updated him by saying that often the work that is done to challenge those issues is not very visible. When people pass information to the police, and even to politicians to pass on to the police, it may not lead to an immediate arrest on their street, but it could be the intelligence that leads to major seizures elsewhere, so that local action does feed regional disruption.

However, that reassurance goes only so far, because when people see drugs still flowing, intimidation continuing and dealers operating with impunity, they begin to lose faith. When those same dealers appear in court and walk away with what looks like a slap on the wrist, people just lose hope. Perception matters absolutely in those instances, and facts matter. The fact is that drug-related deaths have risen by 47% over the past decade. Thousands of people access substance misuse services every year, and almost 40% of people know that drug-related intimidation is happening in their community. That should stop us in our tracks. We must call out those who are driving that. It is about organised criminal gangs, many of them with paramilitary links, that exploit vulnerability, enforce debt through fear and profit from the destruction of lives. They are predators in our communities. Sentencing absolutely matters. If you profit from addiction, misery and death, your punishment must reflect that harm. That is why we support Jasmin's law and thank Pauline for her work in Jasmin's memory. It is essential that we, as legislators, deliver on that work.

I will finish where I began, which was with an email from a man in Downpatrick asking me when we would address the elephant in the room. Let the message from today be that we are going to address the elephant in the room: to challenge those people in our community, to try to rid ourselves of those dealers and to make sure that, if they try to deal and pass those drugs on, they will feel the full force of the law as a result. Again, I am delighted that there is support from around the House on the issue. There is a slight difference on timescale, but we will not divide the House on that, because we are here today to be united in the message that we send out. We just want it to be done as quickly as possible; we know that it sometimes takes a little bit longer.

I thank everyone for participating in the debate, supporting the motion and sending a unified message from the House. As Robbie said, eloquently as always, if you are dealing drugs in our community, it is only a matter of time: we will get you.

Question, That the Amendment be made, put and agreed to.

Main Question, as amended, put and agreed to.

Resolved:

That this Assembly expresses serious concern with the growing number of drug-related deaths in Northern Ireland, which have increased by 47% in a decade; recognises that addiction is a complex public health issue requiring early Intervention and timely access to treatment; acknowledges the need for coordinated efforts between the Department of Health, the Department of Justice, the Department of Education and the Department for Communities to improve prevention and recovery pathways; notes the devastating impact of the illegal supply of drugs on families and communities; further notes that paramilitary groups have morphed into organised crime gangs that control the illegal drugs trade in Northern Ireland; supports the campaign for Jasmin’s law to secure accountability for those who profit from the sale of drugs working alongside the Executive’s tackling paramilitarism, criminality and organised crime programme; and calls on the Minister of Justice to address sentencing via a sentencing council for those convicted of drug supply offences in the Criminal Justice (Sentencing etc) Bill, prioritising measures that ensure penalties fully reflect the harm and devastation caused by those who are dealing illegal drugs, act as a meaningful deterrent and demonstrate that those who devastate lives and profit from addiction will face consequences proportionate to the gravity of their crimes.

Motion made: That the Assembly do now adjourn. — [Mr Deputy Speaker (Mr Blair).]

Opposition

The Opposition are the political parties in the House of Commons other than the largest or Government party. They are called the Opposition because they sit on the benches opposite the Government in the House of Commons Chamber. The largest of the Opposition parties is known as Her Majesty's Opposition. The role of the Official Opposition is to question and scrutinise the work of Government. The Opposition often votes against the Government. In a sense the Official Opposition is the "Government in waiting".

Minister

Ministers make up the Government and almost all are members of the House of Lords or the House of Commons. There are three main types of Minister. Departmental Ministers are in charge of Government Departments. The Government is divided into different Departments which have responsibilities for different areas. For example the Treasury is in charge of Government spending. Departmental Ministers in the Cabinet are generally called 'Secretary of State' but some have special titles such as Chancellor of the Exchequer. Ministers of State and Junior Ministers assist the ministers in charge of the department. They normally have responsibility for a particular area within the department and are sometimes given a title that reflects this - for example Minister of Transport.

intervention

An intervention is when the MP making a speech is interrupted by another MP and asked to 'give way' to allow the other MP to intervene on the speech to ask a question or comment on what has just been said.

amendment

As a bill passes through Parliament, MPs and peers may suggest amendments - or changes - which they believe will improve the quality of the legislation.

Many hundreds of amendments are proposed by members to major bills as they pass through committee stage, report stage and third reading in both Houses of Parliament.

In the end only a handful of amendments will be incorporated into any bill.

The Speaker - or the chairman in the case of standing committees - has the power to select which amendments should be debated.

Deputy Speaker

The Deputy speaker is in charge of proceedings of the House of Commons in the absence of the Speaker.

The deputy speaker's formal title is Chairman of Ways and Means, one of whose functions is to preside over the House of Commons when it is in a Committee of the Whole House.

The deputy speaker also presides over the Budget.

shadow

The shadow cabinet is the name given to the group of senior members from the chief opposition party who would form the cabinet if they were to come to power after a General Election. Each member of the shadow cabinet is allocated responsibility for `shadowing' the work of one of the members of the real cabinet.

The Party Leader assigns specific portfolios according to the ability, seniority and popularity of the shadow cabinet's members.

http://www.bbc.co.uk

opposition

The Opposition are the political parties in the House of Commons other than the largest or Government party. They are called the Opposition because they sit on the benches opposite the Government in the House of Commons Chamber. The largest of the Opposition parties is known as Her Majesty's Opposition. The role of the Official Opposition is to question and scrutinise the work of Government. The Opposition often votes against the Government. In a sense the Official Opposition is the "Government in waiting".

laws

Laws are the rules by which a country is governed. Britain has a long history of law making and the laws of this country can be divided into three types:- 1) Statute Laws are the laws that have been made by Parliament. 2) Case Law is law that has been established from cases tried in the courts - the laws arise from test cases. The result of the test case creates a precedent on which future cases are judged. 3) Common Law is a part of English Law, which has not come from Parliament. It consists of rules of law which have developed from customs or judgements made in courts over hundreds of years. For example until 1861 Parliament had never passed a law saying that murder was an offence. From the earliest times courts had judged that murder was a crime so there was no need to make a law.

give way

To allow another Member to speak.

Secretary of State

Secretary of State was originally the title given to the two officials who conducted the Royal Correspondence under Elizabeth I. Now it is the title held by some of the more important Government Ministers, for example the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs.

constituency

In a general election, each Constituency chooses an MP to represent them. MPs have a responsibility to represnt the views of the Constituency in the House of Commons. There are 650 Constituencies, and thus 650 MPs. A citizen of a Constituency is known as a Constituent

Speaker

The Speaker is an MP who has been elected to act as Chairman during debates in the House of Commons. He or she is responsible for ensuring that the rules laid down by the House for the carrying out of its business are observed. It is the Speaker who calls MPs to speak, and maintains order in the House. He or she acts as the House's representative in its relations with outside bodies and the other elements of Parliament such as the Lords and the Monarch. The Speaker is also responsible for protecting the interests of minorities in the House. He or she must ensure that the holders of an opinion, however unpopular, are allowed to put across their view without undue obstruction. It is also the Speaker who reprimands, on behalf of the House, an MP brought to the Bar of the House. In the case of disobedience the Speaker can 'name' an MP which results in their suspension from the House for a period. The Speaker must be impartial in all matters. He or she is elected by MPs in the House of Commons but then ceases to be involved in party politics. All sides in the House rely on the Speaker's disinterest. Even after retirement a former Speaker will not take part in political issues. Taking on the office means losing close contact with old colleagues and keeping apart from all groups and interests, even avoiding using the House of Commons dining rooms or bars. The Speaker continues as a Member of Parliament dealing with constituent's letters and problems. By tradition other candidates from the major parties do not contest the Speaker's seat at a General Election. The Speakership dates back to 1377 when Sir Thomas Hungerford was appointed to the role. The title Speaker comes from the fact that the Speaker was the official spokesman of the House of Commons to the Monarch. In the early years of the office, several Speakers suffered violent deaths when they presented unwelcome news to the King. Further information can be obtained from factsheet M2 on the UK Parliament website.