I beg to move

That this Assembly condemns ongoing racist incidents in our community; and calls upon the First Minister and deputy First Minister to urgently carry out a comprehensive review of the racist attacks of July and August 2024, to include what happened, why it happened and who was involved, and to bring forward proposals on how to prevent it happening again.

The Business Committee has agreed to allow up to one hour and 30 minutes for the debate. The proposer of the motion will have 10 minutes in which to propose and 10 minutes in which to make a winding-up speech. All other Members who are called to speak will have five minutes.

At the beginning of August, the Assembly was recalled to condemn the incidents of racism that had occurred over the summer. The motion is not about repeating those words of condemnation, as much as that may be warranted, but about seeking to understand what happened and showing urgency to do something about it.

From the evidence that the Committee has heard, it has become clear that racist intimidation had been happening before the summer and has continued since. Racist violence is not simply an isolated, seasonal series of events but endemic in our communities. Unfortunately, PSNI records show that the trend is worsening, not improving.

On 18 September, the Committee heard harrowing evidence from stakeholder organisations of racism and Islamophobia. We heard about attacks on their businesses; criminal damage to their places of worship and places of support; violence and intimidation against them; their fear for their children's safety; and their feeling of helplessness because such acts were not stopped by the authorities. The Committee also heard that that is nothing new. Over time, it has been part of a pattern of ongoing racism and xenophobia, damage to property, everyday microaggressions against people who are different and experiences of institutional racism.

On 2 October, the Committee heard from the Department and the police about how they had responded to the events of the summer and how they were tackling ongoing issues. Committee members put questions to them based on what we had heard from the stakeholders, including evidence of paramilitary involvement in racist attacks, police officers standing idly by while minority-owned businesses were attacked and police advising victims to engage with community representatives who are known to be involved with paramilitary organisations. It was also noted how ludicrous it was that authorities argued over whose responsibility it was to remove racist posters rather than getting on with removing them.

There remain many unanswered questions. What factors led to the circumstances in which so many people assembled to attack our most vulnerable communities? Who were the people carrying out the attacks? Who organised them? Why were the authorities so unprepared? Why was the violence allowed to go on for so long? Why were so many properties allowed to be damaged or destroyed?

On 11 September, the Committee considered correspondence from the Commissioner Designate for Victims of Crime. I also met her separately, on 9 October, to discuss her proposal for the Executive Office to carry out a rapid review of the racist incidents in the summer. The Committee agreed to support her call for such a review. That review is necessary because we need to get to grips with the reasons why those things happened and are still happening; understand who was involved and why; find out how prepared the authorities were, how they responded and what impact they had; and make sure that we create the conditions that mean that they will not happen again. The Executive Office needs to carry out the review because of the multidimensional, cross-cutting nature of the issues and potential solutions. Some of the solutions may mean changes in legislation. The Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD) recently observed that we need a clearer definition of racial discrimination and a particular statutory offence of hate crime in Northern Ireland. I also met the Committee on the Administration of Justice (CAJ), which raised similar issues.

As part of its inquiry into gaps in equality legislation, the Committee for the Executive Office can look at some of the potential changes to the law. However, that goes beyond just adjusting statutory protections for minority ethnic communities. A review can look at the issues in the round. The tragedy is that valued members of our community who contribute to our economy, provide essential services and enrich the cultural diversity of our society have been left to feel that they do not belong. On the contrary, the Committee broadly and consistently restated the view that we are privileged that people from diverse backgrounds have chosen to make this place their home. We can do something about the issue. A concerted, targeted, rapid review of the events of the summer can go some way towards making people who were targets of hostility feel that they belong. The Committee calls for that to happen without delay.

I will now make a few brief remarks in my capacity as a South Belfast MLA. It has long been my party's view — in fact, we have stated this publicly on many occasions, including in the week before the racist attacks in early August — that progress on renewing the race relations order and publishing the racial equality strategy and the refugee integration strategy has not proceeded as quickly as it should. Tied to that is the reality that racism and sectarianism are, ultimately, two sides of the same coin. It is being increasingly recognised internationally that they are ultimately the same thing. Where you have an us-and-them, you will always end up with sectarianism and racism. We have to get far more serious about challenging sectarianism, overcoming division, genuinely reconciling and ending paramilitarism. Those are the core principles of our proposal for an additional peace-building mission in and underpinning the Programme for Government.

While we should not be prejudicial about what a comprehensive review of the ongoing racist attacks, including those of late July and early August, might determine, we know that the PSNI identified paramilitary influence. The Executive Office has a tendency to put what it does into different silos, but, fundamentally, the evidence is clear: ending paramilitarism, promoting good relations and delivering racial equality are, ultimately, in the same silo.

In closing, the motion calls for a rapid review. We are now four months on from the worst weekend of the summer, and we should agree the motion and get on with the work.

I am not happy about the reasons for the motion but I am glad to speak in a very important debate. As I have said before in the Chamber, racism is another issue that we will never deal with and eradicate unless we talk about it and identify its root causes. I commend the proposer of the motion for bringing it to the House. It is a conversation that we absolutely need to have.

We know that none of us is born with hate in our heart and that nobody is born racist, sectarian, misogynistic or any of the other discriminatory mindsets that prevail throughout society and harm others. We know that those attitudes are fostered, learned behaviours and that they ultimately manifest themselves in the most ugly examples of violence, bullying, intimidation and aggression towards the most vulnerable, which we saw during the summer. Therefore, it is right that we have a frank and open conversation about that, address the causes and work together to eradicate them. To that end, I recognise the good work that began with the scoping exercise in September, with those involved with the minority ethnic community and the cross-departmental working group that needs to listen to the experiences of those who are victims of that violence and take on board the learning from that.

We can see, across the world — we have seen it, very clearly, in recent days — what happens when the working classes are pitted against each other and when scaremongering and misinformation wins out. We know that the enemy of the working classes does not arrive by dinghy: it arrives by private jet. There is a responsibility and an onus on us, who have a mandate in the House, to call that out and to speak to those who are falling victim to misinformation and blaming other people who are in worse-off positions than they are for the situation that they are in.

We must address racism at its core. It all comes from the same supremacist mindset: some parts of a community are better than another just because of the colour of your skin or the religion that you practise or whether you practise at all. We have to call that out.

I commend the motion to the House and hope that this starts a period of intensive engagement so that we do not see the same, disgusting scenes next summer as those we saw this year.

The motion has been brought to the Assembly by the Committee for the Executive Office, through its Chair. I rise, as a DUP member of the Committee, along with my colleague Harry Harvey, in support of the motion.

The racially motivated attacks witnessed over the summer were shocking, unacceptable and unjustifiable. We support the proposal for a comprehensive and rapid review of how and why it transpired. The proposal for a review, as has been mentioned, was raised with the Committee by the Commissioner Designate for Victims of Crime.

The Democratic Unionist Party is committed to building a safe and inclusive society in Northern Ireland. No one should have to live in fear because of where they were born, the colour of their skin or their religious beliefs. The targeting of homes, businesses and places of worship is and always has been absolutely wrong. In this matter, the focus is, rightly, on the actions of a minority who spread misinformation, anonymously called for protests and orchestrated violence and wanton destruction. However, let us not lose sight of the fact that the vast majority of people in Northern Ireland do value and appreciate the positive role that members of newcomer communities play in our society, in our public services, including health, and in a host of vital sectors in our economy, including manufacturing, IT services, agri-food and the fishing industry. I thank them for their contribution.

Northern Ireland is becoming more ethnically diverse. We can see that, statistically, in the census figures and in our workplaces, our schools, local communities and on our streets. In some areas, the rate of change has been challenging for some people. The scale and nature of immigration into any country is a legitimate topic of political and public debate. However, without question, some people with a racist agenda have exploited other people's concerns, and we saw the tragic and destructive outworking of that this summer. Those who come to Northern Ireland ought to be welcomed and supported. Many voluntary groups assist with that, but so, also, should the full apparatus of government.

It is equally important that the needs of people who have lived in an area for generations should continue to be met. Ensuring that that balance is struck is key to ensuring that there is community cohesion and good relations. As we said during the recall debate on those disturbances on 8 August, the DUP wants to see meaningful dialogue with affected communities. Violence is never justified; nor should it be an excuse for public bodies and politicians to ignore concerns that are legitimately expressed.

Any review led by TEO must meaningfully explore community relations in areas where there is, currently, significant ethnic diversity or, indeed, where demographics are projected to change. That includes issues of access to housing and public services.

We need to be able to identify areas where tensions exist at an earlier stage as part of existing tension-monitoring processes.

Acts of hate crime must have consequences for those who are responsible for them. However, just strengthening hate crime laws will not resolve all the challenges that we face where tensions have arisen due to increasing ethnic diversity. Let us remember that race is already a protected characteristic under hate crime legislation. Of course, the PSNI and the courts must have adequate powers to crack down on racially motivated crime, but that alone will not be the silver bullet for the challenges that we face.

Elected representatives have a responsibility to promote tolerance, good relations and the rule of law, but not just to preach from afar. We have a responsibility to engage with local communities and to work with them and with statutory and voluntary agencies to address local needs and concerns. Ultimately, we must do all that we can to address these issues proactively and not just rely on the criminal justice system. This will include challenging and changing attitudes and mindsets in families, in workplaces and at community level. For many years, good relations in Northern Ireland has, understandably, focused on our sectarian divisions. I hope that the review will provide an additional focus on the need to support community cohesion and awareness in areas and communities where ethnic diversity has increased.

I have no doubt that everyone in the Chamber will agree that the events of the summer were profoundly disturbing and deeply troubling for communities and, in particular, for those in our communities who are from ethnic minority backgrounds. This debate is about action and not warm words. My colleague Matthew O'Toole raised the issue with the deputy First Minister yesterday and asked why, disappointingly, there had been precious little action from the Executive to date.

A surge to the far right, hatred and racism spilled on to our streets with devastating consequences last August. I express our solidarity with all those who were intimidated by the violence and who feared for their place in Northern Irish society as a result. Those attacks had one main objective, which was to sow fear, distrust and hatred in Northern Ireland and to intimidate members of our shared community who have built their lives, their families and their businesses here. Everyone here knows that such incidents are far from spontaneous. They are the products of years of dangerous rhetoric and anti-immigrant sentiment. They are also the product of paramilitary influence, which still looms large in the lives of many of our young people. It was right that politicians from across different parties condemned those attacks during the summer and it is right that we repeat those condemnations today.

Condemnation, however, is not enough. In the aftermath of the riots in the summer, thousands of people came on to the streets to protest against racism and violence but, too often, we have felt that the Government here have been far too slow to react and to demonstrate the same kind of solidarity. This motion is a chance for the Assembly to come together to commit to making the changes that are required and to ensure that lessons are learned. Such lessons can only be learned in the context of a comprehensive review. This review must thoroughly examine what took place, why it happened and who was involved. It must go further to provide us with proposals and real, actionable measures to prevent those horrific incidents from happening again.

In addition to addressing the events of the summer, we must work proactively to combat racism at every level. That includes making progress on the current outstanding areas within the Executive Office's responsibility that can help to build a culture of respect, understanding and inclusivity. The review that will be produced by the Executive Office as a result of the motion should also seek to give a fulsome update on the racial equality and refugee integration strategies. We need appropriate and meaningful legislation with stand-alone hate crime legislation built in. Accountability is vital here, and we must see progress being made without any further delay.

I say again to those who have been affected by such racist incidents, "You are not alone; you have a place and a role in our community, while racists do not and never will". We must ensure that each person feels that they have a place here and that they are valued as an integral part of our society. Let us unite in purpose and action and commit to making Northern Ireland a society that celebrates its diversity, respects all its people and provides a safe and welcoming environment for everyone. Together, we can create a future that is free from fear, division and hatred. Let the Assembly lead the way by demonstrating that we are committed to the values of inclusion, unity and respect for everyone. Let us have a rapid review, but, please, let us also have action.

I thank the Committee for the Executive Office for tabling this important motion. Over the past few months, I, along with others in the Chamber, have attended a number of anti-racism rallies in Belfast, which took place off the back of a summer of racist attacks on families, homes, places of worship, and, indeed, local businesses, which were burnt to the ground. Many of those attacks took place in my constituency of South Belfast, off the back of a hate march from the City Hall to the Belfast Islamic Centre. We saw everything that unfolded following that event.

Since those attacks, we have seen incidents of racism and racist attacks continue. In the past fortnight, a young child and their mother were attacked in their own home. A few weeks before that, a nearby home was attacked, and a family's vehicle was burnt out just because they were identified on TV as having attended an anti-racism rally.

These incidents did not start this summer, and it is essential that we acknowledge that when tackling the issues. According to official figures, there were 1,411 racist incidents during the 12 months that ended in June of this year, which included 891 reported racist crimes. That represents a full year before the incidents of the summer. Some have tried to correlate diversity in South Belfast with the rise in racist attacks, but diversity is never the cause of racism. Racism is fuelled by racist ideas and by people who are willing to organise and carry out attacks. Those things have to be condemned and challenged for what they are: racism, and its flip side, which is sectarianism.

We must call out and deal with the fact that there was a level of organisation around the attacks. That organising is conducted by paramilitaries, as the PSNI confirmed in relation to the attacks during the summer. Indeed, an Equality Commission report on racism found that many people were reluctant to report hate crime, due to concerns that it is linked to or endorsed by loyalist paramilitaries.

Despite the incidents that I have talked about, we have seen members of our communities speak out against racism and sectarianism, and they must be commended. I commend the residents of the Donegall Road who recently spoke out against a mother and their child being attacked. I commend the residents of the lower Ormeau Road whom I joined with over the summer as they drove a hate mob from their community and stood with local businesses that were attacked. I commend those who have rallied on the streets of Belfast to say no to racism and hate.

Belfast and this island have been the home of anti-slavery, emancipation, anti-imperialism, civil rights and community and labour organising. We need to recapture those ideals through grassroots community organising, education, activism and community campaigning. Of course, that all needs to be supported by policy, strategy and funding.

It is clear that we need political unity. We need our communities to work together to root out the causes and the manifestations of racism and sectarianism. We need to stand together to say yes to equality and diversity, to building an inclusive society for all and, importantly, to protecting the most vulnerable in our communities.

I commend the motion.

As has been said, the DUP supports the motion, and I believe that we can all unite on this topic.

Racism is wrong, and it is incumbent on us all to call it out when it raises its ugly head and to work collectively to eradicate it from society. Contributors to the debate have reminded us of the scenes that played out on our streets and television screens earlier this year: totally unacceptable behaviour that caused untold damage to communities and individuals alike.

In addressing the questions posed by the motion, it is important that we drill down into specifics within individual communities. Broad-brush approaches to the issue will avail us little. I am hopeful that the recent cross-departmental working group involving the PSNI and the Housing Executive, established following the summer disorder, will be able to identify similarities and differences in motivations behind behaviours. The same can be said of any Executive review flowing from the motion. Just as the factors that drive racially motivated criminality are multifaceted, any Executive review should be cross-cutting. All relevant Departments, agencies, community and voluntary organisations, elected representatives and members of the public should be engaged as part of that process. Above all, victims of the recent violence must be to the fore.

It is widely accepted — all the statistics on this issue and similar instances of criminality bear it out — that such behaviour usually has a parallel interaction with high rates of poverty and deprivation and the influence of organised crime gangs. Rather than simply labelling those who engage in such criminality as "racist" or "fascist", any review must lift the veil on what drives individual children, young people and adults to get involved in such disorder in their own communities. We must be prepared to really seek answers to that pivotal question in the motion: why? Only when we begin to address the "why" will we begin to effect change for the better, not to condone violence, criminality or racism but to eradicate them from our streets and communities

We must bear it in mind that no review or departmental intervention will provide the silver bullet that we would wish to provide. It must be acknowledged that contextual factors such as the prevalence of misinformation and hate manifested online and on social media platforms will not be captured or addressed with an Executive Office review or intervention. Ultimately, there needs to be a new, UK-wide focus on tackling the risk that social media poses in fuelling and coordinating public unrest that exceeds legitimate and free protest activity. Openness and transparency must be the watchwords for government, law enforcement and state media in how the public is engaged with on issues of public interest to ensure that public trust and confidence is retained.

A central aspect of any wider review of tackling racism should be an assessment of how the PSNI responded, of whether the available resourcing was adequate and of the impact, physical and mental, on the officers who had to hold the line against the unrest witnessed across Belfast and elsewhere during the summer. We cannot leave those dedicated public servants out of the equation. I hope that the Justice Minister will agree with me on that point and consider it as part of any cross-departmental review.

It must be remembered that much good work has been done and continues to be done to integrate communities, foster relationships and build capacity though many government-led initiatives, particularly Together: Building a United Community (T:BUC) and Urban Villages. Those programmes have sought to direct interventions to where they have been needed most, particularly in areas of deprivation and ongoing community tension. Those on the Executive Office Committee and beyond are aware of the ongoing efforts to bring forward a refugee —

Could the Member draw his remarks to a close, please?

I will. I will finish by saying that a refugee integration strategy will undoubtedly be of great benefit in tackling the causes that have been manifested.

If we gathered in the House to talk about incidents of sexual assault or street violence and anyone mentioned "legitimate concerns", there would be outrage. We need to stop doing that. We have to stop doing that when it comes to racist attacks. There were no legitimate concerns when it came to the racism that we experienced in our city in August. If you want to discuss housing or how people are struggling to cope, that is for a debate on the cost of living or housing. Please stop bringing it in when we are talking about racist attacks. It is totally unacceptable, and it gives victims the impression that they are being prioritised over the perpetrators. It has to stop. Please, can we stop doing it?

I welcome the motion. I welcome the Chair's comments that it is about a review and looking at what we got wrong and what we need to do right. That is so important. We had the recall and discussed at length how those attacks were outrageous. I keep thinking about business owner Muhammad Atif, who stood on the stairs in the Great Hall and made a dignified plea that we build a society that celebrates our diversity and is future focused, thinking about the next generation and what sort of society we want our children to grow up in. It is not just about minority ethnic people not feeling valued but about how, as a society, we treat anyone who feels different and ensure that they feel valued and important.

The prospect of legislation has been raised. That is part of the response. It does not feel as though there is any urgency. Why do we not have the refugee integration strategy that is recommended in the racial equality strategy? It has been meant to be coming for months. It is not here yet. We are really good at condemnation and turning up and showing support when something awful has happened, but what are we doing in the meantime?

One area that I am passionate about and talk about a lot, but feel is ignored, is support for asylum seekers and refugees. I really hope that any review looks into the governance of how we address those issues. Months ago, I asked about a meeting specifically about children who are in contingency accommodation. I said that I was really worried that, at some point, an inquiry will be needed into how those children have been treated. Gerry and I go into the hotels fairly regularly, and we have met people who are living in contingency accommodation to hear what they are going through. Shortly after I was elected, I went into a hotel. "Hotel" is misleading: it gives the impression that the people there are living in the lap of luxury. Those people have been through unimaginable hell and have come here to start a new life. It is our human rights obligation and our privilege to support people as they build a new life. I remember that there was a group of women who were waiting to talk to me that day. Every single one of them had been through the worst that humans can do to one another. What they had been through would be unimaginable to most people. They just wanted safety and security for their children. One child was nine or 10 and had started wetting the bed again. They were terrified and asking what they had done wrong to be in prison. They were going to school, but they were traumatised and were not getting the support that they needed. We need to have a conversation about how we address that together.

We had the strategic migration partnership, which fell apart. TEO took that on, and I am grateful that officials are doing amazing work on that. However, there is no accountability or transparency about how the different Departments feed into that to support, honestly, the most vulnerable people in society. We need to have a discussion about how we protect them. Any review will be really important, but so, too, will be how we lead, discuss and put in place mechanisms so that no one falls through the gap. I am desperately worried about those children, and I am desperately worried that they are not a priority because they are a tiny minority. How we treat those people says so much about how we are as a society.

Yesterday, we discussed the legacy of Anna Lo. When she was an MLA, all those years ago, Anna Lo championed racial equality and asked for legislation on that. We are still waiting. If we are serious about showing that we are committed to racial equality, we will bring that forward.

I thank the Committee for the Executive Office and its Chair for their work on the review and for tabling the motion. As they will know, my party does not have a representative on the Committee, but I am grateful for the work that they have done. I have been watching intently along the way.

I echo many of the comments that were made by Ms Nicholl and other Members in sending our solidarity to the many people who were affected in such a tragic way during the summer. We saw the most vulnerable in society being targeted in a horrific way, with online rhetoric leading to intimidation and, ultimately, to attacks on businesses, homes and places of worship.

As we know, those people are the most vulnerable in society. They have come here for a better life, having fled some of the worst places in the world. Most of them are making a very valuable contribution to our society. Nothing was more saddening or caused more despair than seeing members of our NHS and care workers, having returned from a hard day's work, crying upon finding that their home had been attacked or burnt out. That was utterly despicable. It is etched in all our memories. At the same time as we saw that, however, we saw the true nature of the people of Northern Ireland. Across the country, hundreds of people came together, be that in my constituency or in any other, in support of the people who had been targeted. That is the true nature of the people of Northern Ireland. It is important to remember that that is their true spirit. That is the real Northern Ireland.

I fully support the need for a review. As Members have said, it needs to be quick, sharp and focused. I am keen to focus on the impact on the victims. There will potentially be an impact on the workforce, because we heard that, tragically, so many people who work in our NHS or as care workers are thinking of leaving. It is important that the Executive Office engage with them and with the community groups that represent them. During that horrific time, I dealt with, as, I am sure, did many others, local charities and community groups that represent and work with those individuals daily. It is important to understand their shared and lived experiences. It is therefore really important that the Executive Office engage with them to see what difficulties they face and to establish how best to overcome them. Some of the charities that work with people who have moved here from overseas were threatened and intimidated. Their premises were targeted merely because they were supporting those people. That is despicable. We need to learn from those experiences.

The final element that I will focus on is young people. Sadly and tragically, we saw far too many young people being dragged into what happened because of faceless individuals' online rhetoric. Community groups and schools need to have much more engagement with young people to ensure that they do not get caught up in such activity and that they realise the impact of their actions, including the long-term impacts that those actions could have on their life. They need to realise that that sort of activity is totally unacceptable.

We support the work of the Committee and will continue to contribute in any way in which we can.

I welcome the fact that we are debating the subject today. I raised it yesterday with the deputy First Minister. I, and, I am sure, others in the Chamber, will keep raising the question of what, practically and specifically, we are doing to tackle the growing scourge of not just race hate but racially aggravated violence in this society.

It is important that we back up our words with actions. If we do not, people will ultimately think that this is simply a Potemkin Parliament: a Chamber in which we fill the air with words but in which nothing ever happens. Since we returned in February, we have done a lot of that. It is a cold day outside, but we could warm our hands on some of the words that have been used today.

Let us therefore hear about some specifics. In August, we witnessed a violent mob rampage through the streets of Belfast, specifically South Belfast. Several of my constituency colleagues have already spoken today about what happened. I spoke at the anti-racism rally, at which our numbers vastly outweighed those on the side of hate. People brandished the tricolour and the Union Jack to display hate, which should be offensive to people who treasure those flags. The anti-racist numbers vastly outweighed those of the racists. It was not just frustrating but disgusting to see people who had nothing but hate on their mind rampaging through South Belfast, which is my constituency, and, specifically, the university and Holylands area, which is where my constituency office is situated and the most diverse part of the constituency. Some people travelled up on the train from Dublin, while some came from other parts of this island and elsewhere in the North, to display their hate. They are not wanted in Belfast. They were rejected by the diverse community of South Belfast, and, yes, they were rejected here days later. It is also worth saying, as Deirdre Hargey did, that they were rejected by the working-class people of South Belfast. The community in the lower Ormeau stood against them, as, it has to be said, did loyalist parts of the constituency. I will come back to that point, because others are speaking for those people's community.

We all came in here a few days later, and we talked about how awful it was, and it was awful, but we are not paid just to talk. We are not a debating society; we are legislators. People are here to govern. What did we expect to see in the aftermath? We expected to see an updated racial equality strategy. We have not got it yet. We expected to see an updated refugee integration strategy. We have not got that yet. We would have liked to see progress and urgency, including from the Justice Minister, on a stand-alone hate crime Bill.

It has already been said that we need to beef up hate crime legislation. By the way, that is not some lefty woke theory about having hate crime legislation for its own sake. It is about giving the police the powers to apprehend and tackle not only people who spew race hate online but those who, as happened in my constituency in the past week, chuck masonry through the window of a terraced house, covering a child in glass. That is not about theory. It is about the lives of people in my constituency and this community. It is about kids of colour who are being targeted and families who are being burnt out. Words are great, but they are not enough.

Let us come back to words. My constituency colleague Kate Nicholl is right in what she says about the conflation of legitimate concerns. Working-class communities across the city have legitimate concerns about housing, economic opportunity and education. It is our job to come here and deal with those concerns. Conflating those concerns with racial violence is an offence to those working-class communities and the people of colour who face violence and intimidation. Let us stop that.

Let us also be honest about the ways in which that racist violence intersects with paramilitarism. There is a lot of double-talk in this place and in society about how those things intersect. The PSNI and the UN acknowledged that loyalist paramilitaries were involved in facilitating that violence. We are told that they have denied it at an organisational level, but it is pretty clear to anyone who is in a position of authority that loyalist paramilitaries were involved in facilitating those actions. Of course, their representatives still get meetings with Ministers. What message are we sending?

Let us get real. I welcome the motion, but it has to be followed up with real action, legislation, an updated review and finally being serious about clamping down on all forms of hate. I commend the motion, but let us have some action after the motion and the warm words.

I welcome the opportunity to, once again, condemn the racist attacks that we saw during the summer months. I will support the motion. However, I trust that it will not be a matter of passing another motion that leaves the Assembly with a warm feeling. As legislators, we should aim not just to say nice things but to deliver change of real substance. Let us not forget that the responsibility for dealing with the criminal activity that we witnessed lies not with the Executive Office but the PSNI. If we are looking to the Executive Office to act on the matter, it must do so within its departmental remit to promote equality and good relations.

That being the case, I trust that the Executive Office will look at the concerns that exist among working-class communities in particular about legal and illegal immigration. It is undeniable that uncontrolled immigration is a contributing factor to the pressures that public services are experiencing. We cannot deny that vital front-line services, particularly our NHS, are under pressure. Yes, we welcome the contribution that migrants make to the NHS, but we need to consider the impact of a growing population on current waiting lists. Just yesterday, for example, I received a reply from Minister Nesbitt to a question for written answer, which told me that 722 people in Northern Ireland have been waiting more than four years for a knee replacement.

When we think back to the events of the summer, we have to put the protests, the vast majority of which were peaceful, in context. In doing so, we have to reference events in Southport. It cannot be denied that there was a deliberate attempt to conceal the truth about the murders of three children and the horrific injuries that were suffered by 10 other people, of whom eight were children. The suspect has since been charged with possession of an al-Qaeda training manual and is being prosecuted under the Terrorism Act 2000. I am yet to read an apology or see even a fact check by the BBC, which claimed that he is a Christian.

I am not for one moment suggesting that all immigrants are potential terrorists — the occupants of the Chamber are evidence that Northern Ireland is well able to produce its own — but there is a need for truth and openness around the issue. Lack of transparency merely feeds suspicion and distrust.

I must also say that we do a disservice to the victims of racism by accepting groundless allegations as gospel. In September, the Executive Office Committee heard from a witness who said that the Housing Executive was institutionally racist. In the aftermath of the Stephen Lawrence murder, a High Court judge heard evidence from 88 witnesses, considered 100,000 pages of statements and produced a 350-page report to back up his findings that the Met was institutionally racist. In the Executive Office Committee, members seemed to believe that we should accept the charge against hard-working and honest employees of the Housing Executive just on the basis of lived experience. Such an approach does a disservice to those on the receiving end of racism.

Going forward, let us resolve to ensure that we do not scapegoat the working classes but take their genuine concerns seriously. We demand honesty from our media and condemn racism in all its forms. I see no conflict in believing that all of that is possible.

I support the motion, but I feel that it is a bit too little too late. It is also worth saying that the Executive's disapproval of racist violence did not force the far right and loyalist forces off the streets this summer. They were forced off the streets this summer by organised counter-mobilisations of tens of thousands of people in Belfast and beyond. It is important to say that now, because, at the time, some people were warning and urging people to stay away from counterprotests and not take to the streets. The violence was disgusting in August, but imagine how much worse it would have been in the aftermath had there not been those counter-mobilisations. Anti-fascist mobilisation is key and crucial to giving people confidence and to pushing aside the far right, fascist, loyalist paramilitaries.

The counter-mobilisations were organised by groups such as United Against Racism and many others, which are determined to stand up to racism, Islamophobia and hatred. Anti-racism activists, community groups, trade unionists and ordinary people stepped in to take action because the Executive have failed time and time again. That should teach us a lesson in the Chamber about where real power lies. It lies not in this Chamber but on the streets with ordinary, working-class, decent people.

Part of the review mentioned in the motion must involve holding the PSNI to account for its inaction. The PSNI failed to explain how violent racists were effectively given the green light to rampage around Belfast attacking migrants and their homes and migrant-owned businesses. It defies belief, but the PSNI was given ample warning about those inevitable attacks, yet people were left vulnerable and neighbours were left to the mercy of the far right. We are still waiting for answers from the PSNI as to why that happened.

The PSNI simply cannot be trusted or depended on to protect migrants. I note the evidence from the North West Migrants Forum, which basically told of its experience of the PSNI effectively pushing it into the hands of community leaders, and we know what that means when it comes to dealing with racism. I have been told that by public bodies as well. When referred to, community leaders are, in reality, paramilitaries, and they have no place in our society, never mind any place in tackling racism. Many are involved in it themselves. Instead, we saw groups of residents and local communities stepping in to protect their migrant minority neighbours when the state cannot be relied on. The contrast between the way the police handled far right rampagers over the summer and how they cracked down on people taking part in Black Lives Matter protests or how they police people who are racialised minorities every day of the week is completely stark and striking. There is such a contrast.

It is worth repeating that migrants are not to blame for welfare cuts, despite what we have heard from some people today. Deepening poverty is not caused by migrants or refugees, nor is our housing crisis or the crumbling of our public services. The vast majority of us know that.

I have to say that Executive Ministers have played an active role — some of them — in stoking up racist mob violence, giving a wink and a nod. They talk about genuinely held concerns of far-right thugs and give legitimacy to hatred. I repeat, as the Member for South Belfast said eloquently: there is no such thing as genuinely held concerns when you are talking about racism and far-right violence. I have appealed before and appeal once again to the deputy First Minister: stop using that inflammatory and dangerous language.

The far right is on the rise. They are whipping up racist hate and scapegoating migrants for the economic and social problems facing our society. They use fear to divide working-class communities that have been repeatedly failed by the state. There is nothing legitimate about racism, Islamophobia or the violent hatred of a bigoted minority. The attacks over the summer were not isolated incidents. They are part of a pattern of racist violence, and many of the migrant-owned businesses that were targeted in south Belfast have been attacked before on multiple occasions.

The racial equality strategy is still outstanding. Larne House is still open. The hostile environment is still in operation, and asylum seekers are denied the right to work and access to public services — the list goes on. Motions are important, but we need to see action on these points and many more if we are to push back racism and tackle the far right and growing fascism in our society.

I call on the deputy First Minister. She has up to 15 minutes.

I appreciate the opportunity to speak once again about the criminal damage and racist violence that took place in our community over the summer months. I assure you that addressing the needs of all in our community is a particularly important matter to us, and that must include everyone, no matter what the colour of your skin, your race, your religion, your faith or lack thereof or your identity.

It is appropriate at this juncture to take real exception to the comments just made. Absolutely disgraceful comments have just been made. At every opportunity, the members of the Executive have stood shoulder to shoulder and made it absolutely clear that there is never any justification for racism, hate, violence, disorder or prejudice on that basis. I am on the record —.

Will the deputy First Minister give way?

I will not take an intervention. I am on the record as stating many times my absolute rejection of any racism, prejudice, hate, violence or disorder on that basis. The Member's comments are utterly disgraceful.

I say clearly to this place that no one will put words in my mouth, despite the attempts by many people over the last number of months. What I said is that, in this role as deputy First Minister and as a representative, my message to people is clear: I am on your side. I am here to listen to you, to the challenges that you face and the hardships that you experience. I have said in the House that I recognise that, for many people throughout Northern Ireland — indeed, too many people — their lives are too tough. If you had actually listened to the people on the ground, you would have seen that tensions are bubbling and frustrations are high. There is that deep frustration because of a lack of affordable housing and the inability of people to live in the communities in which they grew up and that they love because of a lack of affordable housing and access to public services. I have also said very clearly that that is a challenge for all of us in the Chamber to address. That is a problem and those are issues for democracy to address. However, if democracy does not deliver, we will see people becoming increasingly frustrated. That is on us. That is why we must step up. I have said that time and again.

The Executive have no tolerance for the racial discrimination and violence witnessed in July and August of this year. It is in stark contrast to the values of equality and respect that we strive to uphold. We have all seen the devastating impact of those crimes on victims and their families and communities, and our thoughts are still with all of those affected.

I welcome the debate and all the thoughtful contributions. Indeed, we will take those away in the work that we are doing. I take the opportunity this afternoon to outline some of the work that we have been carrying forward, particularly from the summer but, of course, the work that has been taking place in the Department. We believe that that important work will address many of the elements. Of course, this place cannot fix these problems, but we can certainly do what we can to address them, working with communities and addressing those prejudicial social attitudes that lead to the type of racism that, very sadly and disappointingly, we saw on the streets.

It is also important to put it on record that this was a small minority of people. The message that we must send to those from ethnic minority communities throughout Northern Ireland should be a united one. It should be a positive one today, which is that we are absolutely all united against racism and prejudice and that we are all united in wanting every person in Northern Ireland to be able to play their part and to do so in a context without hate, prejudice or discrimination. That is the message that the Executive are sending, the message that the First Minister and I have repeated throughout the summer and the autumn and the message that I firmly stand by today. <BR/>Of course, much of what happened in the summer we have looked at, discussed and taken forward. A number of reviews are ongoing, but, of course, we will take away today's motion and endeavour to look at what we are doing to see whether we can do things differently, whether we need to bring that together in a different way or whether we need to increase the pace of what we are doing.

I want to highlight a number of the key issues that the Department is working on. In that context, much of the learning from the summer's events has been built into the ongoing work that the Department is leading on in conjunction with other Departments and agencies, specifically the race hate cross-departmental working group, which met recently, on 6 November, to consider strategically how to apply learning and avoid a reoccurrence. One of our key priorities is to build a society in which racial equality and diversity is supported, valued and respected.

I have heard reference to this before — I do not know why — but I have clarified in the House a number of times that we have a racial equality strategy. That racial equality strategy is for 2015 to 2025, and it is still in place. I have heard calls for a racial equality strategy: we are looking at that strategy and preparing for the next strategy beyond 2025. Much of that strategy has been fully implemented, and the aspects that have not been implemented are for a continuous application of the particular actions in it.

Of course, we are looking at how that strategy was effective, what worked in it and what did not work as well. We will bring that all forward into the new strategy. We hope to launch a call for views before the end of 2024 to support the development of the new strategic approach to racial equality, and, as referenced yesterday in a different debate, in all of these policies and in reviewing and revising all of our strategies, it is critical that we listen to those who will be most impacted by them. Therefore, I emphasise today our keenness to hear from people throughout Northern Ireland about their views of the previous strategy and what they want to see in the new one. I have no doubt that the Committee will want to participate in that important work as well. We want to hear from the key stakeholders in the minority ethnic sector and wider society, particularly on, as has been referenced in the debate, what they believe to be the root causes of racism and rate hate.

I also emphasise that, in some of that work, we will also look internationally at where there have been issues and what has worked in tackling those, not just from a government and departmental agenda and that of our agencies and local government but from within the community with schools, families and community organisations. I recognise absolutely that we can deliver that type of change only by working in partnership with all of those organisations. We will use those views to help to develop our future strategic approach to racial equality and to inform how we prevent such events from taking place again.

As the current racial equality strategy acknowledges, we are under no illusion about the size of the challenge involved. It will take time, effort and resources, but it recognises that every one of us has a role to play in combating racism and racial inequalities. We cannot do it alone, and full implementation will require the support and active participation of all sections of our community.

I also acknowledge the incredible work of organisations, including those representing ethnic minority communities. I know that many of you in the Chamber will have worked with them. Particularly when I represented South Belfast, it was my privilege to work with many of those organisations and to see the incredible work that they do on the ground. Of course, many other community organisations are also working. I was really pleased to see in the assessment of our Together: Building a United Community good relations schemes, such as T:BUC camps and other projects and initiatives, a really good level of participation from those from ethnic minority communities in Northern Ireland.

We will want to mainstream that, and we can build on that. The review of Together: Building a United Community is under way, and that provides an exciting opportunity to take into account all the learning and make sure that those projects are absolutely inclusive. That is one of the good ways of tackling at a very early age some of the attitudes that set in and lead to problems later.

Will the Minister give way?

I will indeed.

I join the deputy First Minister in paying tribute to the work of community organisations. Will she join me in paying tribute to the work of the Police Service of Northern Ireland? There have been disgraceful attempts in the Chamber to say that the Police Service of Northern Ireland stood idly by and allowed criminality to take place. There were disgraceful comments that undermined the work of the PSNI, saying that it polices different sections of our community in different ways. Does the deputy First Minister agree that, day and daily, the brave officers of the PSNI put on their uniforms to serve every single member of our society?

I thank the Member for his intervention. Absolutely. It is important to put on record our thanks to the PSNI. Throughout that period when there was a huge amount of disorder, particularly in south Belfast, the First Minister and I were in regular contact with the Chief Constable and the PSNI to show our support, but also to ensure that the PSNI had the resources that it required. The PSNI makes absolutely clear that it does not have the resources that it needs. However, in the circumstance where it was fighting an unpredictable crowd on multiple fronts, it did everything that it could. Of course, it is right that the PSNI is scrutinised, but it is also absolutely right to put on record in the House our thanks to the brave men and women of the PSNI who faced a mob of people, which was going in multiple directions without any overall direction, and tried to help and support people in that context.

I thank the Minister for giving way. To clarify, when the Committee held the evidence session with stakeholders, it was them, especially those who had businesses in south Belfast, who raised concerns and expressed dismay about the police having stood by. The videos are in the public domain: you will know that, and we have all seen them. When the Deputy Chief Constable came to the Committee, he acknowledged that there were lessons to be learned about how officers intervene.

I remind the Member that interventions are to be —

That needed to be clarified on behalf of the Committee, Deputy Speaker. Thank you.

I thank the Member for her attempt to clarify, but her words will be clearly on the Hansard record. She repeated what was said in the Committee. Our role is to challenge some of that. There are reasons for policing operations. Of course, there are reasons for the way in which police have to operate in difficult circumstances. I want to recognise the incredible role that the PSNI played in difficult circumstances and, as Mr Brett said, what they do, day and daily, to keep the people of Northern Ireland safe.

In 2023, the hate crime legislation and access to justice working group was established. It engages with representatives of the Department of Justice hate crime delivery group, the hate crime advocacy service, Victim Support and the PSNI. The working group is tasked with improving the reporting of hate crime, supporting victims of hate crime and reviewing and strengthening legislation as priority actions across statutory bodies. The need to provide the best possible legal protection against racism was highlighted as a key action of the racial equality strategy. Following the 12-week public consultation that was held in 2023, the review of the Race Relations (Northern Ireland) Order 1997 has been completed. The resulting report, which was published in early August, will inform any legislative change and will move us a step closer to a more equal society.

I am very conscious that there is a lot more detail in that but, sadly, we have run out of time and I will not be able to go through all of it. I can assure you that the Executive Office and the Department of Finance have worked with the Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government and the Northern Ireland Office to look at how best to utilise the £600,000 pot of funding that has been provided for here under the UK Government's Community Recovery Fund. Belfast City Council, in conjunction with the Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government has drawn up a wide-ranging plan, and I have already mentioned the Together: Building a United Community review. Unfortunately, the leader of the Opposition spoke and ran, so he is not here to hear any responses to the issues that he raised. Again, it is important to clarify this: my understanding is that the PSNI did not say that there was paramilitary involvement in the organisation of the violence. It is important for us to look at the challenges and the underlying reasons for the issues and to do that in an accurate, evidence-based way.

In the House, we all want to tackle the scourge of racism. We may have different views — saying, "our crowd on the streets is bigger than your crowd", at a time when many of us were working to keep people off the streets, was foolish — but, today, we need to send a clear, united message that we are all against racism. Racism is wrong, the disorder in the summer was appalling and we will work hard to do everything that we can to tackle that and bring about the inclusive society that we all want to build.

I call Carál Ní Chuilín to make a winding-up speech. You have up to 10 minutes.

Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. First, I will make remarks on behalf of the Committee, given the change with Connie and Stewart, and I am pleased to do so. I will take some of my time to speak as a Committee member and then, separately, I will speak as one of the riff-raff, anti-fascist protesters who were out on the street.

The Committee motion has received cross-community support. Every Member mentioned concern about the issue. After the recall in August and what most of us have described as "the summer of hate", the Committee heard from a panel of people from different minority ethnic groups and others who spoke about the need for legislation. They are all aware that there is a strategy; they just do not feel that it works for them. We all need to look at that as part of the scoping exercise. We talk about lived experience. Those people talked about their experience, and not one of us was unaffected by it. We obviously need to look at that.

Some Members made allegations or claims and other Members refuted them, but, at the end of the day, that is about experience. As with everything else in life, we will have to back up claims with evidence, but that is not the case when it comes to someone who feels that, in their experience, certain things have happened with some of the statutory bodies. When you hear how that has impacted on them and their families, you know that questions certainly need to be asked.

The Committee has been diligent in trying to get beneath the issue of what else can be done. We have the T:BUC strategy, Communities in Transition, the ending violence against women and girls framework and the racial equality strategy. We are looking at where things stand for refugees. We are looking at equality and good relations. As part of a Committee inquiry, we are looking at equality gaps.

Given the size of the problem, we agree that it did not start in the summer. The summer was an expression of what has been going on for some time, but it was at that point that many of us just said, "Enough is enough".

We heard from people from Derry, or Foyle or the north-west — whatever you are comfortable calling it — who were referred to community leaders. That did happen. We heard that from individuals who came to us as part of these debates but did not go in front of the Committee. Their lived experience needs to be heard. When we spoke to statutory bodies, including the PSNI, about what happened in the summer and what we can do to prevent something like that happening again, the issue of resources came up time and time again, as did our attitudes, particularly in this place.

It was important for the Committee to table the motion. It is important that all the scoping exercises have a start, a middle and an end and that they move quickly so that we know their conclusions very soon. I will not go through what Members said; we were all here, so we heard what everybody said. On a positive level, we all said that what happened over the summer cannot happen again and that we need to look at interventions. I will set that aside and talk about what happened during the summer and prior to it.

The term "legitimate concerns" has become a watchword for saying, "Yes, there was racialism, but we have concerns too". I have never once heard the Tory Government being blamed for a lack of Budget here or the lack of money to access GPs and to help with housing.

I thank the Member for giving way. I am glad that she raised that point. I am sure that she is as sickened as I am by the dangerous and, frankly, false rhetoric that some have used in the House today. The NHS is under pressure because we have an ageing and sicker population, coupled with decades of consecutive British Governments gutting funding for the NHS. Despite what has been said, immigration is not the reason why people cannot get a doctor's appointment; immigration is precisely the reason why people still can get a doctor's appointment.

I appreciate your intervention. It is quite timely. However, there is something even more sinister in that. I think that it all depends on the colour of the people who have immigrated here. We need to call that out. I know that Gerry did not mean what he said, but some of us consider ourselves to be decent working-class people as well. Working-class communities have faced the brunt of deprivation and being starved of money for decades. They are the communities that constantly feel the worst impact. What do we do? Rather than listen to the concerns that people have about childcare, schools, housing, community safety, their ability to feel free and their ability to grow and resource their own areas, we get taken down a road in working-class areas, where there has been a concentration of people who have made this place their home, even if it is temporary. It is not the Executive; it is the British Home Office through Mears, and Migrant Help needs to do more.

I thank the Member for giving way. I agree with her point about deprivation. Going back to her comment about genuinely held concerns, does she agree that that strategy and comment often help to feed racism, meaning that people think that it is OK or legitimate to bash migrants or asylum seekers? Does she agree that Ministers should challenge racist tropes and misinformation, rather than giving a wink, a nod or any encouragement to them?

I do. If you notice, I used a different phrase — "genuine concerns" — about housing. The term "legitimate concerns" has been used as a catch-all phrase for not calling racism out, frankly, and that is the bottom line. Indulging the Loyalist Communities Council (LCC) and hearing its "legitimate concerns" about housing and education has been nothing short of pathetic, and it adds to the feeling that there is access for some but none for others, and that needs to be called out.

Is the LCC a legitimate group? Yes, it absolutely is, but the police said that loyalist paramilitaries were involved in the riots during the summer. The police said that in public, at the Committee and at subsequent meetings. Let us not let on that they were not involved.

My other concern, regardless of where it happens — this needs to be said — is that very young children and young people were involved in those riots over the summer. Very young children and young people have been involved in riots at interfaces previously. People of our age, my age and younger and older, have said things, so those young people are being involved, and they are shafted. They are left to go through the criminal justice system, and nobody cares about them. That is a fact.

The people who are being terrorised and who look after us in our hospitals and schools are left devastated. Their lives are devastated, particularly if they come from countries that have seen war and terror. They have gone through the most traumatic of experiences but come here, get a brick through their window and their car burnt.

People then say, "Well, there are legitimate concerns". That needs to stop. I do not care about faux outrage from anyone in the House. You cannot stand over that at all. I will leave my comments there.

Will the Member give way?

Yes. I have little time left, but I am happy to give way.

When people talk about legitimate concerns, it is very clear that they are not trying to justify the kind of attacks that the Member talks about, which are repugnant and which everybody stands against. However, in other parts of the UK, we saw the rise of the far right when working-class communities felt that politicians in other parties had not listened to them. Therefore, there is a responsibility on those of us who represent communities, be they loyalist or republican, to hear what is being said.

I hear what you are saying. You have a right to hear what your constituents and others say. However, I expect you to call out any racism, and I know that you would do that. I will leave it at that. I thank everybody who contributed to the debate.

Thank you very much indeed.

Question put and agreed to.

Resolved:

That this Assembly condemns ongoing racist incidents in our community; and calls upon the First Minister and deputy First Minister to urgently carry out a comprehensive review of the racist attacks of July and August 2024, to include what happened, why it happened and who was involved, and to bring forward proposals on how to prevent it happening again.

I ask Members to take a few moments while we settle ourselves down.