Violent Crime

Private Members' Business – in the Northern Ireland Assembly at 5:15 pm on 2 March 2020.

Alert me about debates like this

Photo of Dolores Kelly Dolores Kelly Social Democratic and Labour Party 5:15, 2 March 2020

I beg to move

That this Assembly expresses concern about increasing levels of violent crime; recognises that this has been accompanied by a similar rise in alcohol and drug-related offences; notes the effect of such crime on victims and on communities across Northern Ireland; further notes that comprehensive legislation protecting victims of domestic violence has yet to be passed; and calls on the Minister of Justice to work collaboratively with the Minister of Health to bring forward an action plan and a resourced implementation plan to reduce violent offending and the risk of reoffending.

Photo of Roy Beggs Roy Beggs UUP

The Business Committee has agreed to allow up to one hour and 30 minutes for the debate. As two amendments have been selected and published on the Marshalled List, an additional 15 minutes has been added to the total time. The proposer will have 10 minutes to propose the motion and a further 10 minutes to make a winding-up speech.

I invite Dolores Kelly to open the debate on the motion.

Photo of Dolores Kelly Dolores Kelly Social Democratic and Labour Party

I am pleased to have the opportunity, on behalf of the SDLP, to present this motion to the House. What should be clear is that the causes of violent crime are complex, and there is no single, simple solution. The motion and the Sinn Féin amendment, which we accept, acknowledge that fact. I am pleased that the Minister of Justice is in attendance for the debate, but I acknowledge that not all the solutions lie with her Department. Tackling violent crime will require an approach that spans right across government.

Statistics show that violent crime is increasing. In the 12 months from 1 January to 31 December 2019, 106,604 crimes were recorded in Northern Ireland. That is an increase of 7,300 on the previous 12 months, continuing the increase seen during 2018-19. Violence against the person increased by 14·1%. That equates to 4,975 offences. The biggest rise was in the category "violence without injury", which should be seen in light of changes in recording practice with the harassment classification. Progress is being made on the reporting of hate crime, and I look forward to the outcome of Judge Desmond Marrinan's review. Hate crime is, of course, a motivating factor in many crimes against the person.

Tragically, last year there were 26 homicides, whilst a further 167 people died or were seriously injured as a direct consequence of unlawful driving. Behind those statistics are hundreds of personal tragedies — the lives lost, families left bereaved and many others having to struggle with life-changing injuries. Our thoughts are with them today.

Police statistics also tell us that there were 983 reported rapes and 2,434 other sexual offences. Crimes against society are also increasing, with 951 drug trafficking offences and 6,957 drug possession offences. Minister, I welcome your commitment and that of your predecessor, Ms Claire Sugden, to put in place stronger legislation to tackle domestic and sexual violence. Across Northern Ireland, eight of the 11 policing districts showed an increase in domestic abuse incidents and all 11 had higher levels of domestic abuse crimes. We can all acknowledge that both those types of crime are vastly under-reported and that much more needs to be done.

The comprehensive report by Judge Gillen sets out some 253 recommendations across the criminal justice system, many of which will require additional financial resources if we are serious about supporting victims and bringing perpetrators before the courts. Many others challenge government to work more collaboratively and smarter. Therefore, Minister, I am sure that we will all be keen to hear your response, the steps taken to date and your implementation plan to address those recommendations.

I also welcome the high priority that the PSNI and the Northern Ireland Policing Board have given to tackling domestic and sexual violence in the draft policing plan for the year ahead. I declare an interest as a member of the Policing Board. The establishment of a domestic homicide review team will also, hopefully, help agencies to better understand and red-flag vulnerable individuals to allow for earlier intervention and prevention.

The changing drugs market is identified as one of the drivers of the increase in violent crime. The role of alcohol-fuelled violence is also well-documented. Substance misuse is properly reflected in the 'New Decade, New Approach' document, and I welcome the focus of the Health Minister, Robin Swann, on developing a strategy to improve services and take innovative and effective action to reduce alcohol and drug-related harm. The recent focus on low-level drug dealing and tackling the availability of illegal prescription drugs online must continue to be a priority for the PSNI. Community confidence in policing will be judged on how well the police respond to the low level but high impact of that type of behaviour on the community, but law enforcement is not the only solution.

There is little that I can disagree with in the DUP amendment, but it practically rewrites the motion and focuses almost exclusively on a criminal justice response. Therefore, I cannot accept that amendment.

Early intervention supporting families, such as the Sure Start programme, must continue to be funded by the Minister for Communities. More investment is needed to provide secure homes for those and their children who flee violence. I trust, Minister, that this is an issue you pick up on with your ministerial colleague Ms Hargey.

No debate on the prevalence of violent crime would be complete without attempting to outline the causal factors behind and the absolute requirement to have, as our motion calls for:

"a resourced implementation plan to reduce ... offending" and reoffending. The Older People's Commissioner accepts that older people are less likely to be victims of crime, but whilst not diminishing the trauma that is experienced by older victims of crime, that subject will be debated more fully tomorrow, and I will concentrate more on younger people.

According to the World Health Organization, being male is the greatest risk factor, with 15- to 29-year-old men accounting for three quarters of all homicide victims globally. Being male not only increases the likelihood of being a victim of violence but increases their likelihood of being a perpetrator of violent acts. Our prison population profile underlines that fact.

There is a wealth of academic research pinpointing the key risk factors and individuals most at risk of being either victims or perpetrators. That includes growing inequalities between the haves and the have-nots, hopeless job prospects for many of our young people, the collapse of Youth Service provision through funding cuts, the crisis in mental health care, school failure and expulsion, and outcomes for looked-after children.

We need to break the cycle of violence. Any approach will depend on partnerships across a number of sectors such as education, health, social services, housing, youth services, probation and victim services. In particular, it needs communities working together to support measures aimed at getting young people and young adults involved in positive activities.

I welcome the reintroduction of neighbourhood policing teams across all council DEAs and hope that the recent PSNI recruitment campaign will enable the Chief Constable to quickly fill the gaps in provision. However, I must remind the Minister that the additional 400 officers are funded through additional money secured for Brexit planning. They will need additional financial commitment from her Department beyond the next two years.

As chair of the partnership committee, I was pleased that our recent work enabled the focus to return to policing neighbourhood teams across all areas. That was a key priority for the then Assistant Chief Constable, now Deputy Chief Constable Mark Hamilton, in his delivery on local policing. I am sure that we can all relate to the fact that neighbourhood policing teams are the eyes and ears of the police. They can enable earlier interventions and identify those most likely to be engaged in crime and antisocial behaviour.

We propose a collaborative approach across a number of Departments as the only way forward, and we recognise the key roles that the Justice Minister and Health Minister have in driving forward societal change and saving lives.

I commend the motion and amendment No 2 to the House.

Photo of Paul Givan Paul Givan DUP 5:30, 2 March 2020

I beg to move amendment No 1:

Leave out all after "crime;" and insert: "highlights that in 2018-19 violence against the person accounted for more than one third of all recorded crime in Northern Ireland; notes with concern the assessment by the Police Service of Northern Ireland that crime against women and children is increasing and the resulting harm becoming more severe; further notes the effect of such crime on victims and on communities across Northern Ireland; regrets that comprehensive legislation protecting victims of domestic violence has yet to be passed; notes that the public consultation on the sentencing review Northern Ireland, which sought views specifically on sentencing in respect of deaths by dangerous driving, attacks on elderly people and attacks on blue-light services, closed on 3 February 2020; and calls on the Minister of Justice to bring forward legislation for tougher sentencing for violent crimes and to work collaboratively with the Minister of Health and victims’ advocates to introduce an action plan and a resourced implementation plan to reduce violent offending and the risk of reoffending."

Photo of Roy Beggs Roy Beggs UUP

I invite the Member to take his seat. I just want to confirm that you have 10 minutes to move the amendment and a further five minutes to make a winding-up speech. You may now open the debate.

Photo of Paul Givan Paul Givan DUP

This amendment seeks to enhance the motion. I disagree with the characterisation of it by Mrs Kelly. It does not take away from the original motion; it adds to it. It removes nothing from the original motion, but it does enhance it. On that basis, I hope that it will gain support. I have no difficulty with the subsequent amendment that was put forward by Linda Dillon and, if it came to it, I would be happy to support that.

I thank Members for raising an important issue that seriously affects Northern Ireland. It has an impact on the victims who suffer the violence perpetrated against them, and that manifests itself in many forms. It also has a wider impact on a victim's family, friends and community. When a violent incident takes place, there is a broad ripple effect, so it is right that we seek to have a criminal justice system and wider response from society that seek to address that.

I wish that we were able to say that we were winning the battle, but the figures indicate an increasing number of offences. From 1 February 2019 to 31 January 2020, violence against the person was up by 14·3%. The total number of offences relating to violence against the person was almost 41,000, of which nearly 3,500 were sexual offences.

Many more crimes are committed than there are successful prosecutions and sentencing. Looking at it purely through the lens of sentences would be to mask the problem of violent crime. Within that, it is concerning that a third of all violence against the person was domestically motivated. There have been horrendous examples of domestic violence leading to murder. I can think of a most horrific case of violence that led to deaths in Newry recently. Members will be able to bring other examples to the debate. The Assembly will now rightly look at domestic violence, particularly the coercive control aspect. I have no doubt that, as we take the domestic abuse Bill through the House, Members from across the Chamber will have a particular interest in ensuring that we have the most effective legislation in this area given the level of crime. The number of recorded domestic abuse crimes from 1 January 2019 until the end of last year was just over 18,000, which is the highest for any 12-month recording period since 2004-05. That is a horrific statistic. As Members have said, behind each of those figures are individuals and families who are impacted on. This type of crime is appalling, and it is getting worse as opposed to reducing.

We look at the number of fatalities caused by reckless driving, but there are also those who are left with severe, life-changing injuries. I have been dealing with a constituent, a lovely girl, who was out in the car with her boyfriend. He was driving recklessly and was subsequently convicted for that. She was left paralysed, which has had a life-changing impact on her and her family. There was then huge disappointment at the sentence that was passed down in the courts. The inadequacy of the sentence continues to inflict trauma on that individual and her family. For many people, the sentence does not fit the crime that is perpetrated against them. It is sentencing not just for driving offences but for all these crimes. That is why it was welcome that the former Minister, Claire Sugden, who is here, initiated a sentencing review that covers a broad range of issues. Consultation on that concluded in February. I look forward to seeing the outworkings of some of those proposals. I recognise that there needs to be judicial discretion when it comes to sentencing. There needs to be a framework that takes into account various factors, such as the aggravating factors and the mitigating circumstances. It is right that there is a broad framework by which the judiciary can look at each case. I do not particularly advocate Parliaments specifying the exact form of sentencing that ought to occur when a crime takes place, but I understand why Members often want to bring proposals for minimum sentencing, particularly for attacks on our elderly and in other spheres. As we see the outworkings of the consultation on the sentencing review, which is now complete, I would like more detail on that. I look forward to hearing from the Minister on that consultation process.

Some of the causation factors of the increasing offences include drug abuse and alcohol misuse. Alcohol undoubtedly has a huge influence in offending. Since 2012-13, around half of all violence-with-injury offences and one third of violence-without-injury offences were motivated by alcohol. You often hear alcohol being glamorised. People do not talk about celebrating their big wins by having the odd one or two glasses; people boast about getting drunk. We need to be very careful about the message that we send out about alcohol consumption. That is not to say that we ban alcohol, but it is important that we recognise how many of the people in our accident and emergency departments are there as a result of alcohol misuse. When we look at crimes committed as a result of alcohol misuse, we see that this is a serious problem for this society. Legislation cannot necessarily address it, but we need to take a different approach to alcohol abuse and the way in which all that is managed.

Photo of Pat Catney Pat Catney Social Democratic and Labour Party

Thanks very much for giving way, Mr Givan. I hope that you will agree with me that, in the controlled atmosphere of a public house, publicans may still sell drink but that the day of the drunk man in the bar finished 20 years ago. You just do not see them any more. Most of the abuse is fuelled by cheap off-sales and people drinking at home. It is not coming from the controlled environment that is catered for within the structure of a public house.

Photo of Paul Givan Paul Givan DUP

The Member makes a very important contribution, and he is right. It is as a result of that preparation for going out on the town, so to speak, with people preloading. When they have already consumed significant amounts of alcohol, they then go to the public house. The publican will often take a very responsible approach to managing the situation, so the Member raises an important point. The reason why I support minimum pricing is because it should not be as cheap as it is to purchase alcohol from off-licences, supermarkets and so on. There needs to be much more robust legislation on minimum pricing, and I look forward to it being introduced.

I thank the Members who tabled the motion. This is a very important debate. I agree that an action plan is needed that addresses a lot of the factors that are talked about, including those in the amendment tabled by Linda Dillon and others opposite, but there can be no excuse for crime emanating from anywhere, whether that be middle-class areas or socially deprived areas. Some of the biggest criminal hotspots are in very affluent parts of the Province, where certain people reside. It is important that we look in detail at the issues. I support taking a cross-departmental approach to an action plan to address the underlying issues, and I look forward to working with the Minister of Justice on specific legislation that can help address the issues that have been raised in the motion. I commend amendment No 1 to the House.

Photo of Pat Sheehan Pat Sheehan Sinn Féin

I do not doubt that everyone in the Chamber today —.

Photo of Roy Beggs Roy Beggs UUP

Order. I am asking you to move amendment No 2.

Photo of Pat Sheehan Pat Sheehan Sinn Féin

I beg to move amendment No 2:

Leave out all after "collaboratively" and insert: "with Executive Ministers to bring forward an action plan and a resourced implementation plan to reduce violent offending and the risk of reoffending, including by addressing the root causes of offending behaviour such as addiction, mental illness, and poverty."

Photo of Roy Beggs Roy Beggs UUP

Thank you. I ask the Assembly to note that amendment Nos 1 and 2 are mutually exclusive. Therefore, if amendment No 1 is made, the Question will not be put on amendment No 2.

I confirm that you have 10 minutes in which to move the amendment and five minutes in which to make a winding-up speech. All other Members who are called to speak will have five minutes.

Photo of Pat Sheehan Pat Sheehan Sinn Féin

I will start again. I do not doubt that everyone in here, from whatever background or party, would like to see a decrease in all crime, particularly violent crime, and a reduction in reoffending. That having been said, there will be disagreement among us about how that can be achieved.

I welcome the Minister of Justice to the debate today. I agree totally with what Dolores Kelly said in her contribution: the Justice Minister cannot solve the issue of crime or violent crime. In fact, she, the police and the whole criminal justice system cannot deal with that issue. Collaboration among all Departments is needed.

There are three principal ways of making inroads into preventing crime and reoffending: the use of legislation; early intervention; and rehabilitation. I will deal first with legislation. It is clear from the evidence that legislation can and does have an impact on behaviours. If you want an example of that, you need just to look to the laws on the wearing of seat belts and on smoking in public places. Of course, one of the most eagerly awaited pieces of legislation will come before the Assembly shortly in the form of the domestic abuse Bill, and I welcome the advent of that Bill. At this stage, I should pay tribute to the previous Justice Minister, Claire Sugden, who did much of the heavy lifting on the issue but, unfortunately, did not get enough time to see it through to its conclusion.

However, legislation, on its own, is not a panacea for domestic violence. There needs to be better education and greater cultural change, among the male population in particular, before we will make inroads on that scourge of society.

Early intervention is vital if we are serious about tackling the root causes of crime. When I was a member of the Policing Board, one of the most memorable and powerful presentations that we received was from an officer from Police Scotland. He opened the presentation with a short piece of CCTV footage. It was quite grainy, as CCTV footage often is. It showed a fight on a Glasgow street, with maybe 10 or 12 people involved in it. A taxi pulled up and someone disembarked from it — someone who had absolutely nothing to do with the row that was taking place. One of those who were involved in the row went over and, in the CCTV footage, appeared to punch that person in the side. As it turned out, he had not punched him; he had stabbed him. That man died. The person who was responsible was identified and later sentenced to life imprisonment for murder.

The presentation was about tracing back the life of the perpetrator, the person who had murdered an innocent man in the street. He was someone who had frequently come to the attention of the police, and was often before the courts, sometimes on charges that related to violence. He had left school without any educational qualifications. He came from a dysfunctional family. His parents were addicts of either drugs or alcohol, and he had been in and out of care as a young child.

The police officer was leaving the Policing Board in Belfast to fly to London, to attend a conference on breastfeeding, to give exactly the same presentation. Why was he doing that? He was doing that because the evidence shows that children who are breastfed are more likely to develop a strong bond and relationship with their mothers. It is also beneficial to mothers in building relationships with their children.

I am sure that most Members are now familiar with the term "adverse childhood experiences" (ACE). The evidence shows that children who have suffered a number of adverse childhood experiences are more likely to end up in the criminal justice system. We need to deal with those issues. It is not just for the Justice Minister to deal with them. Take, for example, the particular case that I just outlined and the different agencies and statutory bodies that could have intervened at different stages, early in that person's life. Perhaps there would have been a different outcome; perhaps there would not have been a man lying bleeding to death on the streets of Glasgow.

Just imagine the situation here of a family living in poverty — living in a cold, damp, mouldy house; the children suffering from respiratory illnesses, such as bronchitis or asthma, and that illness being exacerbated by the conditions in which they live. As a result, the children become ill more frequently. That leads to longer absences from school. They continue to fall behind in school and do not catch up. What happens then? Again, the evidence shows that children who leave school without qualifications are not only likely to end up with chronic illnesses but are more likely to end up in the criminal justice system.

If we are going to talk about collaboration, we must recognise that it is across many spectrums. We have to deal with poverty. Education has to be beefed up. The criminal justice system has a role. The Housing Executive has a role. Collaboration is the name of the game.

Photo of Mervyn Storey Mervyn Storey DUP

I have listened with interest to what the Member has said. Sometimes, in these debates, we focus on context. Let us remember that violent crime is carried out by some people from affluent parts of society, and they have access to money and to other individuals. So while I concur with many of the comments that the Member has made, he cannot just say that, if we solved socio-economic issues, we would eradicate crime from our society.

Photo of Pat Sheehan Pat Sheehan Sinn Féin

I thank the Member for that intervention. I agree wholeheartedly; we are never going to eradicate crime completely from society. We need to get everyone on an equal footing and give everybody the best start in life that we can. Children should not be punished because they grew up in poverty or had parents who had bad or no parenting skills or because those parents were addicted to drugs or alcohol. We need to do what is best for the greatest number of people in society.

Photo of Dolores Kelly Dolores Kelly Social Democratic and Labour Party

Does the Member acknowledge the fact that any mapping exercise of the prison population will show up disparities, in that most of the people who are serving jail sentences come from high levels of deprivation and poverty? The link between crime and poverty and deprivation is well established.

Photo of Pat Sheehan Pat Sheehan Sinn Féin

I thank the Member for that. Her point is well made. The evidence is clear: the prisons are full of, mainly, people from disadvantaged areas. Large percentages of the prison population are involved in self-harming or substance abuse and have suicidal tendencies or mental health problems. We need to deal with all those issues that lead to people going to prison.

I am glad to welcome the pilots that are, and will be, taking place on problem-solving courts, which deal with addiction and mental health. The aim is to do exactly what it says on the tin: to solve the problems that bring people before the courts. It means that people with mental health or addiction issues or who persistently reoffend can get help with those issues, rather than constantly going into and coming back out of prison, like a revolving door.

Photo of Roy Beggs Roy Beggs UUP

Will the Member draw his remarks to a close?

Photo of Pat Sheehan Pat Sheehan Sinn Féin

I come to the last point: when Ronnie Armour, the director of prisons, was in front of the Committee recently, he spoke about his emphasis now being on rehabilitation in the prisons. That is something we need to place emphasis on as well.

Photo of Doug Beattie Doug Beattie UUP

I support the SDLP motion. We will support both amendments as well, because both add value to the motion. Anything that adds value to the motion is a good thing. I think that we are all agreed that what we are trying to do is set something in motion to help to deal with the problem of violent crime.

I reflect on the debate and all of the things that we are trying to look at: victims; punishment; rehabilitation; protection; separated communities; social isolation; vulnerability; alcohol and drug abuse; mental health; sentencing; public confidence; accountability; and victims. Victims: sometimes, with everything that we do, we forget about the victims. Yes, we want to stop having victims, but we will have victims, and we need to think about them. I will address that in a little while. I think that everybody is agreed that this is an issue for all Departments; not just Justice, but Health, Communities and Infrastructure. It affects absolutely everybody.

There has been lots of debate about domestic abuse. I listened intently to some of it, including to the Chair of the Justice Committee when he gave horrific statistics on the amount of domestic abuse in the last 12 months. I would add that 27% of children in a violent home have been physically abused. I say that today as pretty horrific news comes out of Larne about a terrible incident. It is something that we have to address. Of course, please do not forget about men; in the statistics for domestic abuse, one in nine victims are men. Men are less likely to come forward and say that they are victims of domestic abuse. In fact, in a recent survey, 20% of people thought that men who were victims of domestic abuse deserved it.

Domestic abuse does not sit alone. Violent crimes against the vulnerable, particularly the elderly, are increasing. As Dolores said, we are discussing that tomorrow, so I will not go into it in any great depth. I reflect back to the causes of violent crime, one of which is mental health. Mental health is a huge issue: if we have a problem with domestic violence being at epidemic levels, the same applies to mental health. We need a comprehensive mental health strategy that victims can feed into.

I am working with the family of Mr and Mrs Cawdery, who were murdered in 2017. The family have been fighting for justice for their relatives. They have had to fight through pretty horrific circumstances and have not had the support that they need. They have been fighting against the Department of Health and the Department of Justice to get help to deal with the seriously flawed serious adverse incident report. That process has cost them their own mental health, and they have not had the necessary support. We are traumatising victims as they fight to get justice, as they fight for support and as they fight to understand why they are victims in the first place.

So, yes, we have to deal with the causes of mental health problems, but when it all goes wrong, we have to deal with the victims. I raised the issue with the Minister of Justice at the Justice Committee, and she gave a very good and fair answer, but I still wonder whether there needs to be a wider debate on whether there should be an overarching victims of crime commissioner. We have a Victims' Commissioner for Troubles crimes. We may well need a victims' commissioner for domestic abuse; I would have no problem with that. What about all the other victims? What about those victims of crime who need somebody to stand up for them and link between the different Departments that we all agree should be working together? There is merit in it, and there needs to be a bigger debate about it.

I spoke to the family and asked, "What would a commissioner have done for you?". "They would have been a voice for the victims. The justice system works only when it delivers justice for both victim and offender, and justice for victims means their voices being heard". It is hard to argue with that.

Photo of Roy Beggs Roy Beggs UUP

Will the Member draw his remarks to a close?

Photo of Doug Beattie Doug Beattie UUP

I could go on. I guess the point is well made there. We need to look at victims as much as we look at perpetrators. Deal with the perpetrators, but let us not forget about the victims.

Photo of John Blair John Blair Alliance

The Alliance Party supports the original motion in the name of Dolores Kelly. We can do that, not least because the motion calls for increased collaborative approaches to crime and the causes of crime. The motion also makes specific reference to victims and communities and the effect of crime on those two groups of people.

The emphasis on collaboration also makes it easy to support the amendment in the name of Linda Dillon and others. That amendment asks the Minister to seek solutions, not simply on a collaborative basis but on an Executive-wide basis.

Alliance is not in a position to support the additional amendment in the name of Mervyn Storey because of its consistent and restrictive reference to criminal justice solutions and its sole focus on such solutions with no reference to prevention, intervention or rehabilitation. In this context, that is not helpful because we have to seek solutions on a wider basis.

In reference to that, there are already some very productive joined-up approaches to the problems that have been highlighted already during the debate. Hopefully, when the Minister speaks, she will elaborate on some of those, such as substance abuse courts, support hubs, which are a growing phenomenon, and multi-agency triage teams, which are helping out in the field.

Those are vital approaches if we are to realistically tackle the drugs and alcohol-related issues that have been spoken about already a number of times.

There are additional approaches if we wish to seriously nurture a society of lawfulness. For example, there should be visible support from all of us and interaction with police through schools, colleges, public life, universities, employment settings, the family hubs that have been mentioned and wider society. We need to encourage understanding and solutions rather than have judgement on and attach stigma to addiction matters, it could be argued. We need also to have mature discussions on real-life issues such as abuse of prescription drugs on an everyday basis. The collaborative approaches requested in the motion and in the amendment for which I have already expressed Alliance's support are crucial next stages in this process and in seeking understanding as well as solutions. I, therefore, express our support for the motion and the amendment that I outlined.

Photo of Paul Frew Paul Frew DUP 6:00, 2 March 2020

I acknowledge the good work by private Members in bringing this forward today. It is no accident that, since we have been back in this place, we have had a motion on the climate emergency and three on crime. After this debate is a motion on paramilitarism, and tomorrow there is a motion on crime against older people. I think that that speaks volumes, and I believe that Members have hit on something out there: crime, the fear of crime and the impact that that has on society.

Many Members talked about crime statistics and how they rise and fall, but usually how they rise, rise and rise. When I see that I see two things. I see a real problem, but I also see an uncovering of a problem. It is probably the truth that, for far too long, domestic violence was taking place behind closed doors, behind walls. We did not know, and we did not want to know. That would be shameful for any society if that were the case, but, now that we do know, we have to do something about it. I appeal to the Minister again, because I know that this is one of the things that she is going to take very seriously and it is a priority for her. We need to see this legislation as quickly as possible, and we need to see it implemented as quickly as possible. We need the PSNI to take it seriously, and putting it on a legislative basis will do that. I am not saying that they are not taking it seriously now, but they need the tools at their disposal to make this problem right. It is a massive problem. I, like many Members, could probably tell stories about domestic violence cases or suspicions, and there was one time when I witnessed things out in the back garden, and it happened to be that that domestic violence manifested itself outside and continued out, and people were then able to witness it.

I also have experience of one punch devastating lives. It has devastated the life of one individual and all the family connected. That is hard to take for friends and family, and it is hard to take for the individual. Doug is right when he talks about victims, and a question that has to be posed is this: do we support victims properly? Do we really? Do we give them the support, from all sectors of society and from all our Departments, that they need to recover? That is something that we need to really take seriously. Detail is important here. Pat raised the issue of people being missed in the system and who, through experiences in their younger days, maybe return or turn to violence and believe that to be an acceptable way of behaviour. I get all that, but somewhere along the line someone was failed, and that leads to a completely innocent person being in the wrong place at the wrong time and dying or suffering devastating injuries that affect their life and their family for the rest of their life. That is very important. It seems that most violence is fuelled by drug and alcohol abuse. We need to tackle that as well. Those who do not see the drugs in our society are probably the most naive among us. That has to change. We need to shine a light on all of this. Violent crime is not acceptable. Violence is not acceptable, whether it is at home or at a sporting event.

Photo of Jonathan Buckley Jonathan Buckley DUP

I thank the Member for giving way. He referred to domestic abuse. Does he believe that, fundamentally, by breaking the stigma of domestic abuse, we will help to eradicate it?

Photo of Roy Beggs Roy Beggs UUP

The Member has an extra minute.

Photo of Paul Frew Paul Frew DUP

Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. I thank the Member for his intervention. Yes, we must shine a light and open the doors on this. No one should be victimised or subjected to domestic violence or any sort of violence.

In the time remaining, I want to raise an issue that is close to my heart, and I would like the House to take cognisance of it. Before the Assembly fell, I had a private Member's Bill going through, and it was to protect accident and emergency staff — nurses — who are at the cutting edge and are abused daily, sometimes violently. We really need to pick up on that, and I look forward to miscellaneous Bills coming forward so that I get the chance to do so. I know that Dolores is very keen on miscellaneous Bills, too. Maybe we could work as a double act, as we have always done.

It is very important that we protect the people who protect us and that we give tougher sentences for assaulting them. Such assaults have a double impact. They impact on the victim, and, if that victim is out of service or cannot do their job, someone will die, so it has an indirect impact on another family's life. The connection will probably never be made, but it means devastation for yet another family, and that is very important. The House should take cognisance of that and protect the people who protect us in this country.

Photo of Martina Anderson Martina Anderson Sinn Féin

Ba mhaith liom labhairt i bhfabhar an rúin. I support the motion and Sinn Féin's amendment. In 2019, there were over 3,000 incidents of domestic violence — violent crime — in my home town of Derry, making up nearly a third of all reported crimes, and a 21% increase since 2018. Derry is in crisis. It is a crisis caused by a decade of neglect and driven by a lack of opportunities for young people, a lack of public services, a lack of quality jobs and a lack of income support. I say that because I agree with what was said about statistical evidence showing a link to poverty and economic deprivation and how that has been identified as one of the root causes of violent crime. That link makes it even more important that the Executive tackle and address regional inequalities. In doing so, they must deliver resources on the basis of objective need. That also includes developing legislation to address the impact of the fear of crime on our elderly population. That is being discussed further tomorrow, so I will not go into that.

At the Justice Committee last week, members were given a shocking statistic by the Minister: some 90% of the prison population has some form of alcohol or drug issue. Given the link between the high volume of violent crime, fuelled by alcohol and drugs, those who own clubs and pubs should not be possibly indirectly fuelling such crime by running drinks promotions in our city centres.

In Derry, nearly half of all violent crimes involve domestic abuse.

Photo of Pat Catney Pat Catney Social Democratic and Labour Party

I thank the Member for giving way. In my past business, I was involved with public houses. I cannot stress enough that people drank within that controlled atmosphere. Pub owners should not be labelled with all the ills of society. Most of the drink in question is cheap drink that is bought in supermarkets. People are fuelled long before they even go out for a night of socialising. I will make it plain. I will make this point as quickly as I can. You cannot lay all the ills of alcohol abuse at the doors of publicans or public houses.

Photo of Roy Beggs Roy Beggs UUP

The Member has an extra minute.

Photo of Martina Anderson Martina Anderson Sinn Féin

I ask the Member to not be too defensive. Perhaps if he had listened, he would have heard me say "possibly indirectly fuelling". I did not accuse, but I said that there was an onus and responsibility on those who own clubs and pubs to understand the link between drinks promotions and violence.

To go back to what I was saying: Derry has the highest level of domestic violence incidents in the North, and, according to the PSNI, there were 1,519 domestic abuse crimes recorded last year alone. That is four crimes per day; four too many. Domestic violence is not confined to age, gender or sexuality, yet it is absolutely staggering that 67% of victims of domestic violence are females, while 86% of abusers are male.

I express my appreciation of local organisations that support victims, such as La Dolce Vita Project and the Men's Action Network. In particular, I commend the work done by Foyle Women's Aid, which, each year, supports nearly 3,000 women and children who are directly affected by domestic abuse.

Last year, domestic abuse incidents increased by 6%, and we are told that that represented 16% of all crimes recorded in the North. It is unfortunate but also welcome that more women are seeking help for domestic abuse, yet there are still countless other victims who are suffering in silence and trapped behind closed doors. I would like to address them today. When every call, text message or post on social media is scrutinised by your abuser; when you are forced to do things because, if you do not, your abuser will hit you or your child; and when you are led to believe that everything is your fault and that you are alone in the world, do not feel isolated. There are organisations, like La Dolce Vita Project, Foyle Women's Aid and Women's Aid all over the North, that are there to help you. Domestic abuse can be physical, emotional, sexual and violent. La Dolce Vita Project in Derry offers one-to-one counselling for those impacted by domestic abuse and has been doing sterling work, highlighting the impact of parental alienation and perpetrators who unfortunately use the courts to further their domestic abuse. I spoke to the Minister about that at the Committee last week. Parental alienation is recognised by the World Health Organization as —

Photo of Roy Beggs Roy Beggs UUP

Will the Member draw her remarks to a close?

Photo of Martina Anderson Martina Anderson Sinn Féin

— emotional or physical harm caused to children by the parent-child relationship. I ask the Minister to consider it in the domestic violence Bill in the time ahead. There is much more that I could say, but time does not permit.

Photo of Gordon Dunne Gordon Dunne DUP

I welcome the opportunity to speak on our amendment to this very important motion, which highlights the fact that violent crime and alcohol- and drug-related offences are on the increase. PSNI statistics confirm an alarming trend, with over 106,000 recorded offences during the 2019 calendar year; an increase of over 7% when compared with the previous 12 months in 2018. All but one of the policing districts experienced a higher level of crime last year compared with the previous year, with the Ards and North Down District, in my constituency, the only district with a 2·2% reduction in police-recorded crime in 2019 compared with 2018. Alcohol and drug abuse are the main contributing factors, costing the country hundreds of millions of pounds every year and, tragically, costing too many lives.

Between July 2018 and June 2019, there were 16,575 domestic abuse crimes recorded here, which represents an alarming increase of 10% on the previous 12 months and the highest rate since records began in 2004-05. Statistics also show an alarming increase in attacks on children, young people and women. The PSNI defines domestic abuse as violent, abusive or threatening, controlling, coercive behaviour by a partner, ex-partner or family member. The abuse can be physical, sexual, verbal, emotional or financial in nature.

"Domestic abuse" is a much wider term than one might think, and it is also an ever-evolving issue, with the digital age in which we all live opening up so many new challenges. It is worth acknowledging that many efforts have been made at every level in society, from the community and voluntary sector right through to Executive level, to tackle domestic abuse. We see greater awareness and understanding of the issue through education and through effective public awareness campaigns that have highlighted the devastating impact that violent crime, drug and alcohol abuse can have on people's life and family and on our communities. It is important that people speak out and speak up and that they are not afraid to have their voice heard.

It is important that the punishment fit the crime for victims of violent crime. By way of example, the lead story last week in our local paper, the Bangor edition of 'The County Down Spectator', was about a bottle-attack victim who was left with 15 stitches to his face. His violent attacker, who had a criminal record of 106 convictions, escaped jail and was instead given 100 hours of community service and put on probation for three months, leaving the victim and his family disgusted with the judicial system.

Photo of Gordon Dunne Gordon Dunne DUP

I will indeed.

Photo of Jonathan Buckley Jonathan Buckley DUP

Does the Member agree that that sentence does nothing but bring additional terror to the family, who have to live every day knowing that the perpetrator is back on the streets so quickly?

Photo of Roy Beggs Roy Beggs UUP

The Member has another minute.

Photo of Gordon Dunne Gordon Dunne DUP

Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. I thank the Member for his intervention. In fact, our whole community is put at risk because the perpetrator is at large.

A joined-up, multi-agency, partnership-based approach is crucial. It should involve the PSNI, councils, policing and community safety partnerships (PCSPs), community and voluntary groups working alongside our elected representatives to tackle the problem.

Voluntary groups in my constituency, such as the Ards and north Down street pastors, play an important role. They are often on the front line on dark, wet nights, working with those affected by alcohol and drugs. They play a valuable role in preventing violent crime and must be commended. They even go as far as to collect empty glass bottles, which they recognise can become weapons in the wrong hands.

New PSNI neighbourhood police teams (NPTs) have recently been rolled out and play an important role in our communities. We greatly welcome that initiative and are delighted to see local police in our communities in north Down. They are people whom we already know and people whom we will get to know, and the public gain confidence in them. There is also an important body of work being done to prevent adverse childhood family experiences, which include exposure to alcohol, drugs abuse and misuse, and domestic abuse, through the provision of greater support for families and young people. Education plays an important role in improving future outcomes and earlier intervention.

Finally, we must continue to strive for better sentencing. We need to see tougher sentencing introduced to deter perpetrators, alongside progress being made on delivering legislation to protect victims of crime.

Photo of Colin McGrath Colin McGrath Social Democratic and Labour Party

I am grateful for the opportunity to speak to the motion on violent crime. I also welcome the level of engagement that there has been on the motion and the input from other parties.

An American legislator once said:

"this mindless menace of violence ... which ... stains our land and every one of our lives."

Most regrettably, 50 years on, "this mindless menace of violence" still overshadows our land and continues to affect the lives of all.

All across the North, men and women suffer, oftentimes in the most awful silence, because of domestic violence. The victims and survivors of institutional abuse have suffered for years as they have sought to speak truth to power and let their story be heard and the evil perpetrated on them rooted out and bought into the light. Young and old alike are attacked in their home and in our very streets, and they must then piece together their life afterwards.

This looming shadow, which stains our land and our lives, has a name, and it is violent crime. My constituency is, in many ways, a rural one, and my home town of Downpatrick is not exempt from that looming shadow. Last year alone, the PSNI in the Downpatrick area recorded 2,395 acts of antisocial behaviour, 1,619 acts of violence and sexual offences and 837 acts of criminal damage and arson. However, the most harrowing truth of this matter is that we may never know the total levels of violent crime occurring across the North, as many people still feel unable to come forward to tell their story.

Members, if like me you feel the same sense of moral outrage that this Assembly did not sit for over three years and did not legislate to combat the shadow of violent crime, then you will agree that we must do more. The sad reality is that the majority of cases of violent crime are underpinned by alcohol or drug consumption. We must do more to rid our society of the scourge of alcohol and drug abuse. I am careful to note that I am not referencing the overwhelming number of people who can have a glass or two of wine or a few pints; I am referencing those who get so intoxicated that they cannot control their behaviour.

Photo of Emma Rogan Emma Rogan Sinn Féin

Will the Member agree that poverty also plays a huge part in the violent crimes that are a scourge on our society? In my constituency, in the town you are talking of, one evening a child was brought home to his parents by the PSNI for committing antisocial behaviour, which can lead to violent crime. There was only one light bulb in the house — only one light bulb, no food in the fridge, nothing in the cupboards. They had to take a burning light bulb out of the upstairs ceiling and bring it down to light the living room so that the parents could have a conversation with the PSNI about their child's behaviour. A collaborative approach is also needed to deal with this issue, mental health issues, addiction and poverty. It is a huge problem.

Photo of Roy Beggs Roy Beggs UUP

Can I remind Members that interventions should be brief. The Member has an extra minute.

Photo of Colin McGrath Colin McGrath Social Democratic and Labour Party

Thank you, and I thank the Member for her intervention. We have a range of issues that we need to address and tackle. Earlier today, I referenced the need for the Executive to deliver on an anti-poverty strategy, because that will start to combat the poverty in our community, and that will then allow some people to receive help and assistance, which may mean they do not have to be in the circumstances that have been mentioned.

I was referencing those who get so intoxicated that they cannot control their behaviour, and it can be a complete stranger in the street or a partner at home who feels the brunt of that abusive behaviour at the end of the night. We must do more — and see more action from the police too, who often get exposed to such violent crime and become the needless targets of such crime as well.

The interventions need to start earlier. I welcomed the announcement made by the Police Service a number of months ago, before this Assembly reconvened, to deploy extra officers back into the community beats or neighbourhood area teams. These officers operated at the coalface, but they were a permanent fixture. People knew them, and they knew people, and those relationships and their network of contacts were used to challenge issues in local communities. I look forward to seeing them again in areas like Downpatrick.

We currently have issues with large groups of young people gathering on Friday afternoons, trying to get passing 18-year-olds to purchase drinks for them. If successful, they consume large amounts of alcohol, and then their behaviour goes downhill. In recent weeks, we have had assaults, threats, intimidation, drug consumption and criminal damage, but the root cause is always the same: large volumes of alcohol being consumed. I want to see the new officers in place soon and challenging this behaviour in Downpatrick. I hope the Minister can tell us today when those new officers will be in place.

We must do more to change attitudes. We must do more to combat paramilitaries who continue to wreak havoc across the North. We must do more to seek ways to prevent reoffending. We must do more to encourage those who have been the victims of crime to speak up, and most importantly, when they do speak up, we must do more to support the victims.

It was the SDLP who brought this motion to the Assembly, not the Executive or the Department.

Photo of Roy Beggs Roy Beggs UUP

Will the Member draw his remarks to a close.

Photo of Colin McGrath Colin McGrath Social Democratic and Labour Party

We want to see positive action being used to challenge these events.

Photo of Alan Chambers Alan Chambers UUP

I welcome this motion, and the opportunity to speak about the important issues it raises. I also welcome the fact that it recognises the effect of such crime on victims. It is easy for victims to be forgotten, as they are often just absorbed into official statistics.

A victim of a violent crime does not seek to become one. However, once someone decides to make them a victim, they are plunged into a world that may be completely alien to them. They will be expected to engage with police officers investigating the crime — an experience that some people who are not used with engaging with the police may find a daunting challenge. They may also have to face the ordeal of attending an identity parade, followed by long days sitting in a courtroom if a suspect is charged and a case is made against their assailant. That will be followed by a grilling from the defendant's barrister when they enter the witness box. They may then decide to seek compensation, which they are legally entitled to for their injuries, both physical and mental. That can become the biggest ordeal that the victim has had to face up to that point. Suddenly, they may feel that they have become the person standing in the dock, being faced down rather than supported by the authorities.

I have been there. My family has been there, simply because we run a family retail business that trades in cash. My daughter, who was 16 at the time, was present in the shop when an armed gang entered the premises and ordered customers to the floor at gunpoint. My daughter had the barrel of a gun placed into her mouth by an assailant, who was reeking of alcohol, to make her compliant with the robbers' demands. I shared the trauma of her attempting to cope with that incident. She attended psychological counselling for over a year to help deal with it. Her claim for compensation from the criminal injuries compensation scheme was initially rejected and, after appearing at an appeals hearing, she was granted the minimum award.

In my own case, I was attacked late one Sunday evening by an assailant wielding a hatchet. The assailant pushed me to the ground and hit me several times around the legs with the weapon, drawing blood. In the meantime, my wife was being threatened by the other robber, who was waving a hammer around her head. Those events made us both extremely apprehensive of every stranger who came through the door of the business for months afterwards.

Photo of Christopher Stalford Christopher Stalford DUP

I am grateful to the Member for giving way. I want to put on record high praise to him for sharing his experience with us. In the context of what he has just said, does he not find it incredible that people think that the DUP amendment is too focused on the criminal justice system? People who behave in that manner should be subject to the full rigour of the criminal justice system.

Photo of Roy Beggs Roy Beggs UUP

The Member has an extra minute.

Photo of Alan Chambers Alan Chambers UUP

I thank the Member for the intervention. Absolutely.

My claim for compensation was rejected as my injuries did not meet the threshold, and neither had I sought professional help for my psychological ordeal. Furthermore, I had not lost any time off work, and apparently that went against me. Other self-employed businesspeople will know that they do not enjoy the luxury of taking time off work while they are still standing. A High Court judge thought the ordeal was worthy of an eight-year custodial sentence for my assailant after a jury found him guilty of causing me actual bodily harm. Obviously, a pen-pusher in the compensation service did not share the learned judge's opinion, nor that of the jury, of what had happened to me. My experiences gave me no confidence that victims of violent crime are considered as anything more than a number. More care and support for victims should be the trademark of any caring and compassionate government.

I had experience of dealing with government agencies through my political activities, but still ran into a stone wall of negativity that I struggled to penetrate. What chance has the average citizen of coping with a system that appears to be designed to knock them back, rather than to recognise what they have been put through by a situation not of their making?

The personal experiences I have described are only a couple of examples of robberies and crime that my family business has been subjected to over the years. The common denominator has been that they all have been driven by criminals attempting to obtain money for drugs. That is the catalyst that needs to be addressed. Violent crime is not about getting money to put food on the table, but rather stealing money or goods to settle drug debts. They will always target the softest targets. Their violence is driven by the urgent need to feed their drug habit. Two of the people involved in robberies of my business died suddenly as a result of drug abuse some months after attacking us.

Another vulnerable group that is subject to violence is our front-line emergency personnel. Courts should take a zero-tolerance approach to attacks on fire, police, ambulance and medical staff. We should ensure that the courts have the tools to make such violence unattractive by allowing them to impose sentences that are a serious deterrent.

We owe that duty of care to our emergency services.

It should be said, by way of reassurance, that the vast majority of our citizens will never fall victim to a violent crime. That is not to minimise the impact on those who have fallen victim. We must ensure that the police have the resources to thoroughly investigate such crimes with full and unfettered access to forensic services.

Photo of Roy Beggs Roy Beggs UUP 6:30, 2 March 2020

Will the Member draw his remarks to a close?

Photo of Alan Chambers Alan Chambers UUP

The courts should also have available a range of sentences that recognise and reflect the seriousness of violent conduct.

Photo of Claire Sugden Claire Sugden Independent

I support the motion. Although they are mutually exclusive, I support both amendments, as each raises important considerations about how we genuinely and effectively tackle violent crime in Northern Ireland. I will, however, prioritise my support for amendment No 2. That amendment encourages a Northern Ireland Executive approach to tackle the issues by addressing the root cause of the problem rather than the symptoms. I will, however, acknowledge amendment No 1, tabled by Mr Storey and Mr Givan. If amendment No 1 were a stand-alone motion, it would have my full support, but, unfortunately, it competes with amendment No 2, which I see as the most realistic and long-term route for tackling violent crime, including the various types noted in that amendment.

I am not entirely content with the wording of the original motion, but I support the general principle that identifies the relationship between violent crime and alcohol and drugs and the harm that that causes in communities. I would prefer that we called on all Ministers in the Northern Ireland Executive to address the issue rather than just the Minister of Justice and the Minister of Health, which is why I support amendment No 2.

Please, Minister, bear with me when I say that the Department of Justice could be described as the "Department of Failure". When all other Departments have failed in providing high-quality public services, protecting the most vulnerable in society and offering genuine opportunities for children and young people for a better life, the Department of Justice picks up the pieces. When a perpetrator commits a crime, it is too late. It is too late for victims and their families, too late for wider society, too late for the perpetrator and too late for public finances. What point is not too late? Is it adulthood, early adulthood, adolescence, childhood, early years or even in the womb? The point I am trying to make is that no one is born bad and, definitely, no one is born a perpetrator of violent crime or, indeed, any other type of crime. They are a product of their environment, circumstances and opportunities. Not having a roof over their head, a hot meal on the table or access to quality education will affect the people they become. If Government, whose job it is to serve and protect their people by providing a minimum public service, as outlined above, do not do that, those people will turn to crime and criminality dressed up as paramilitarism. It is the cost of failure, and all society will suffer. As well as calling on the Minister of Justice, I call on every Minister in the Northern Ireland Executive to do their job, to work together, to provide public services and to improve what we have so that violent crime, paramilitary activity or any other type of criminal behaviour is not the preferred option.

It is inevitable that we will address symptoms of a broken society and poor public services and that people will commit crimes, but maybe we should take a walk upstream and address where those problems began. There is no point in emptying the sink if you do not turn off the tap. The correlation between the rise of crime and alcohol- and drug-related offences is entirely valid. Again, we can seek to address alcohol- and drug abuse-related crime, or we can try to understand why people abuse alcohol and drugs, which leads them on a path of criminal behaviour. I suspect that much is to do with poor mental health and early childhood trauma, among other reasons. I really appreciate a number of Members acknowledging the impact of trauma and sharing their own stories. At this point, I want to stress that I am not providing excuses for criminal behaviour. I am providing reasons with the hope that, if we address those reasons, we prevent crime and, most importantly, we prevent the creation of victims.

A considerable number of domestic abuse incidents are reported to the police each year. The number that go unreported does not bear thinking about. Despite the shortcomings of the Assembly in not sitting for three years, I genuinely do not understand why it took so long to address the issue. It is to society's shame and to the Assembly's shame that we have not legislated before now. Our shame is that a wooden table has more justice in Northern Ireland than a victim of domestic abuse.

I fully support and commend the Minister for agreeing to legislate as soon as possible. I understand that it can happen here as quickly as in Westminster and that we can tailor it to meet our specific needs.

I sought to address domestic abuse for a number of reasons —

Photo of Roy Beggs Roy Beggs UUP

I ask the Member to draw her remarks to a close.

Photo of Claire Sugden Claire Sugden Independent

— not least the reasons that I have outlined. Domestic abuse in itself is a trauma that can lead to mental health and addiction issues that can then lead to criminal behaviour. We need to break that cycle. We can do that through domestic abuse legislation, but we need to look more widely at other traumas.

Photo of Roy Beggs Roy Beggs UUP

I call Linda Dillon to make her winding-up speech on amendment No 2 — sorry, I missed a bit. I call the Justice Minister, Naomi Long, to respond to the debate.

Photo of Naomi Long Naomi Long Alliance

I put on record my gratitude to the Members for Upper Bann, South Down and Mid Ulster for bringing the motion to the House and to the Members who tabled amendments to expand on the debate that we have had. I also thank all those who participated in the discussions, and I very much welcome the opportunity to respond.

I share Members' concerns about violent crime. No crime is acceptable, and those that involve violence can be particularly traumatic for the victim. It is, however, important to remember at the outset that, with some of the crimes that involve violence against the person, such as domestic violence, the statistics are rising at least partially as a result of an increase in support for victims to report and the consequential increase in reporting levels. The more we know about those types of crime, the more we can try to address them effectively. Whilst I, again, stress that no crime, particularly violent crime, is acceptable, it is also important to reassure Members of the Assembly and, importantly, members of the public that levels of crime across Northern Ireland generally are low. Police-recorded crime statistics show us that it is about 40% lower in Northern Ireland than in England and Wales. Nonetheless, I recognise that that is no comfort for victims. Alan Chambers set out very passionately the wider long-term consequences of violent crime for those who are affected by it.

Ensuring that communities are safe, resilient and supported is an absolute priority for me. I am also very conscious of the underlying issues and risk factors that increase the likelihood of people offending, which Mr Pat Sheehan and others set out, and I want to take some time to set out the work that my Department is doing to address that.

We recognise that drugs and alcohol misuse is cross-cutting and impacts on people's lives at every level in Northern Ireland. It can lead to crime committed to fuel drug dependence and to fuel the organised criminality, violence and exploitation that often go hand in hand with production and supply and paramilitarism. It can also cause untold damage and loss to families and individuals. It is difficult to know exactly how many people in Northern Ireland use illicit drugs or misuse prescription drugs; however, I, like others, am concerned by the apparent upward trend in risk-taking behaviour, as evidenced by increases in seizures, arrests and, most worryingly, drug-related deaths. I am committed to ongoing work with partners to end the harm caused by the illicit supply and misuse of drugs and alcohol, and my Department and law enforcement agencies clearly have key roles to play in that. However, as Dolores Kelly and others rightly stated, it is also clear that they are issues that justice and policing alone cannot solve. They require collaborative, joined-up and holistic responses across a wide range of partners to successfully tackle the interaction between substance misuse and poverty, deprivation, mental health and adverse childhood incidents. I am grateful for the strong partnerships that already exist through the Organised Crime Task Force, policing and community safety partnerships, drug and alcohol coordination teams and the structures that underpin the delivery of the Department of Health's new strategic direction for alcohol and drugs. The Executive have committed to an ongoing cross-departmental response to deal with those issues, and that collaborative approach to improving prosperity and well-being for all will be reflected in the draft Programme for Government commitments and is reflected in 'New Decade, New Approach'.

Today's debate provides us with an opportunity to reflect on the specific actions that have already been taken forward in the Department of Health-led Executive strategy 'New Strategic Direction for Alcohol and Drugs: Phase 2' to prevent and address the harms related to substance misuse in Northern Ireland. It is also an opportunity to raise the Health-led work that is ongoing to shape and develop the new substance misuse strategy, which is aimed at preventing the use and misuse of substances, reducing harm and maintaining recovery. In liaison with the Department of Health, my Department will focus on how the new strategy can strengthen the powers to reduce drug supply and support those vulnerable to offending or to being a victim of offending by developing initiatives to identify at an early stage individuals with problems and ensure that appropriate action to reduce the harm of substance use is implemented. My Department already engages with these issues in innovative ways. Ultimately, addressing the root causes of problematic behaviour will result in fewer offenders, fewer victims and more confident and safer families and communities. From a criminal justice perspective, I have a vested interest. We know that people with drug and alcohol problems and other health-related issues are more likely to come into contact with the justice system.

We support local work through the PCSPs, which work with communities to address safety concerns. Many of those initiatives will help to address alcohol and drug issues in local areas. One is the Remove All Prescription and Illegal Drug (RAPID) bins, which help to remove illegal and prescription drugs from the streets. So far, they have proved successful, with tens of thousands of drugs being deposited regularly into bins located throughout Northern Ireland.

The Department has made a substantial commitment to tackle the root causes of offending through problem-solving justice approaches that aim to reduce harmful behaviour in families and the wider community. Practical interventions are already being delivered. As an early-stage intervention — something raised by a number of Members, including Colin McGrath — my Department works with schools to raise awareness among young people of the consequences of the abuse of alcohol and drugs. That includes using drama such as the play 'Blackout' to explore how misuse can lead to antisocial behaviour or more serious criminal activity and violent crime, leading then to coming to the attention of the criminal justice system. The inter-agency work of support hubs is another way in which we work collaboratively to reduce the vulnerability of individuals who may be susceptible to offending through alcohol or drug use or to being a victim of violent crime. My Department will continue to support the development of that model, which, in addition to helping to improve people's situation, reduces the demand on services such as the police, allowing them to focus on crime prevention. The substance misuse courts provide another approach to helping individuals when substance misuse is the underlying problem. It seeks to tackle the root causes of their criminal behaviour and provide specialist support and interventions to help people to turn their life around. It allows a judge to direct individuals to an intensive treatment programme before sentencing to help to address their addictions and change their behaviour. Evaluation of the approach is ongoing, but the early indications are positive. Those are just three of the problem-solving pilot projects that the Department delivers to address the root causes of crime and antisocial behaviour. Through them, we collectively provide effective support to the individuals who most need it, and, in doing so, we make our communities safer.

Supporting individuals is crucial. However, a comprehensive response must also deliver effective enforcement action, and a number of Members referred to that. I acknowledge the important role of the Organised Crime Task Force here in providing a strategic lead on multi-agency activity to disrupt the illicit supply of drugs to communities. I also pay tribute to the operational response of the law enforcement agencies. They work collaboratively to disrupt the importation, supply and distribution of drugs. In the 2018-19 financial year, they delivered increased operational success, with increased drug seizures and drug-related arrests.

The Organised Crime Task Force gives a specific focus to drug-related deaths. It works collaboratively to gain a fuller picture of the issue and causes so that agencies can target resources at the areas of most need. The task force also tracks trends and emerging behaviours so that we can respond to them. That work will inform how we work with partners in the health and social care and voluntary sectors to educate the public about the risks of alcohol and substance misuse, particularly those associated with polydrug use. I concur with John Blair's comments on the misuse of prescription medication, which has serious consequences.

I repeat my reassurance that levels of violent crime across Northern Ireland are relatively low. However, that does not give grounds for complacency. I am committed to working with partners across government and law enforcement to put in place appropriate measures to keep people safe from crime and reduce the fear of crime, which Paul Frew rightly identified as often being much higher than the actual level of crime but which can impact on people's freedom to live their life confidently.

Offenders who are convicted of violent offences will, in many circumstances, be subject to public protection arrangements and will be assessed and managed on a multi-agency basis to ensure that we keep the public safe. I am pleased that, in the current financial year, my Department has been able to reinvest nearly £1 million of recovered criminal assets through the assets recovery community scheme to support the delivery of projects designed to reduce crime and the fear of crime across Northern Ireland. Not only does the scheme provide a strong visible message that crime does not pay but, by funding projects like cold-calling and DNA-marking schemes and other strategic crime prevention initiatives, it helps to protect individuals who are often vulnerable and to make them feel safer in their homes and communities.

I will focus for a moment on the importance of feeling safe and being safe in your home. Violent crime does not happen just on the streets; sadly, it often happens within families. It is important to recognise that domestic abuse involves not solely physical violence but often controlling, coercive behaviours, psychological and financial, that have long-term consequences for the victim and the wider family, as Paul Givan noted. Worryingly, they are often invisible to those outside the immediate relationship. Domestic abuse is about more than just physical violence; equally serious is the often hidden abuse that goes on behind closed doors.

While we continue to see an increase in the reporting of domestic violence and abuse crimes, that is also a positive reflection of an increased willingness to come forward and report to the police. There is, however, more to be done to further encourage reporting, both through having comprehensive legislation and providing support to those who are affected by domestic abuse. I have announced my intention to bring a domestic abuse Bill through the Assembly to create a new domestic abuse offence for Northern Ireland. I assure Paul Frew that, with fair wind, I intend to do so prior to the Easter recess. It will capture patterns of coercive or controlling behaviour and send a clear message that domestic abuse in all its forms is wrong — not just illegal but culturally unacceptable. We must end the cycle of multigenerational harm and dysfunction to which Pat Sheehan and others referred and Martina mentioned particularly.

The use and abuse of family courts to maintain contact and the manipulation of children through parental alienation also need to be addressed. It will not be possible to make it a specific offence in this Bill. However, I draw the Member's attention to coercive behaviour, which will be covered by the Bill, and the fact that any behaviour involving or witnessed by a child is an aggravating factor when it comes to sentencing. As part of the Bill, crimes with a domestic abuse motivation may also attract increased sentencing as an aggravating factor as a result of the domestic abuse element. That is in addition to the new domestic abuse offence. There are opportunities here to make a real difference, and I put on record my thanks to Claire Sugden for the work that she has done.

I turn now to victim support services. As well as the necessary protections against abuse and violent crime more generally, we need a consistent regional support service for victims and witnesses of crime, as Doug Beattie and others identified. My Department funds Victim Support NI and the NSPCC Young Witness Service to provide support services to adults and young victims and witnesses of crime. By next year, we want to have in place a new advocacy support service for victims of domestic and sexual abuse that seeks to provide the best possible service with the funding available.

Violent sexual crime and the Gillen review was raised by Dolores Kelly. Along with others, I am keen to see progress made on those recommendations. Not all of them will fall to Justice to deliver, but my officials are working with criminal justice and voluntary sector organisations. An action plan is being progressed to ensure, particularly in the first phase, that the recommendations that impact on victims are expedited.

A number of Members raised the issue of reducing reoffending. For those who commit violent crime and those affected by it alike, a custodial sentence is an important part of the justice process. It reflects the harm caused to victims and society by those actions and is needed to uphold the rule of law and to maintain public confidence in the justice system. However, a key element in any sentence for those who commit a crime and those who are affected by it must be a focus on rehabilitation to reduce reoffending and ensure positive outcomes. It is incredibly important that we see the role of prisons not just as a punishment but as keeping people safe and ensuring that, on release, there will be reduced reoffending and, ultimately, fewer victims of crime.

I share the concerns that were voiced about the harms caused to our community and to vulnerable individuals through the misuse of drugs and alcohol and through violent crime. While Northern Ireland continues to have relatively low levels of crime, such statistics can only be cold comfort to individuals who suffer loss as a result of the supply of illicit drugs or who have been victims of violent crime or domestic violence. I am committed to ongoing work with my Executive colleagues to tackle that harm and to support and protect the vulnerable, particularly noting the importance of the interfaces that exist between my Department and that of my colleague the Health Minister. I look forward to strengthening and deepening our partnerships to deliver against our shared outcome of a safe Northern Ireland where we respect the law and respect each other.

Photo of Linda Dillon Linda Dillon Sinn Féin 6:45, 2 March 2020

I begin by thanking the Minister for her comments. I will not go over everything that everyone said, but I support the motion and ask Members to support amendment No 2.

Dolores Kelly outlined some of the issues around the Gillen review, and that is the greatest example of the need for cross-departmental collaboration. Gillen, in his recommendations, touched on every Department.

Doug Beattie argued for a victims' commissioner, and the Minister has already responded to that suggestion. Nobody is necessarily opposed to that, but you have to decide whether it is the best use of resources.

Paul Frew commented on attacks on healthcare staff. I absolutely agree with him, but it goes back to the question of what is the root cause. My mother was a healthcare assistant in Daisy Hill Hospital, and she was badly injured one night by a patient who injured her accidentally. She was encouraged to make a statement against that individual, but she said, "That gentleman is extremely ill. He did not intend to injure me, and, therefore, I do not feel that any kind of sentence or judicial process would be beneficial to anybody in this case". That goes back to what Christopher Stalford said, and it is the reason why we cannot support the DUP amendment. Whilst, to be fair, in essence, it is a good enough amendment, it probably has too much focus on the judicial process and not enough on tackling the root causes.

There is little that Claire Sugden said that I do not agree with. She is absolutely right: if people have reached the judicial system, we have failed them in every possible way. That is the essence of the motion. I thank our colleagues in the SDLP for tabling the motion.

I place on record my thanks to Alan Chambers for outlining his personal story; I know that that is not easy to do. I understand that being a victim of this type of crime has a lasting impact, and he is to be commended for bringing that to the House's attention today.

Our amendment is set in the context of prevention and early intervention. That is essential in order to reduce violent crime, whether it is domestic and sexual violence or attacks on our elderly or on those who are vulnerable. Those who are vulnerable are the victims of crime and, as well, those who are vulnerable are the perpetrators of crime. That is why we tabled our amendment.

To address root causes, all Departments need to work together. As we well know, people who end up in the criminal justice system overwhelmingly have issues with mental health and with substance and alcohol misuse and come from the areas of highest deprivation. There is some good collaborative working going on in some areas, particularly between Health and Justice, specifically on prisons and the PSNI. Whilst that is welcome, as we have already outlined, by the time the individual has come into contact with the criminal justice system, we have failed them.

The Education and Communities Departments have their role to play, particularly through the Youth Service but also in our school system, in identifying where children are at risk. The Department for Communities can play a part by addressing deprivation and housing need. DAERA has a role, particularly on rural crime and isolation, which can make people more vulnerable to being the victim of crime. The Minister for the Economy, as part of her portfolio, needs to look at where we can provide skills, training and employment in areas of high deprivation, and, as this will have to be financed, the Minister of Finance has an important role to play in any strategic approach to dealing with the root causes. Those are the reasons that this cannot simply be a matter for Justice and Health. All Departments have their role to play. We need to focus on addressing the root causes.

When a violent crime is committed, the punishment must fit the crime — on that, I agree with many Members across the House — particularly where there is loss of life or serious physical or psychological injury. Subsequent sentencing should reflect the seriousness of the crime: that is what families and society as a whole expect. However, nothing can replace the benefit of prevention. Families who have lost a loved one or have been victims of violent crime can attest to that. We also need to ensure that there is a focus on rehabilitation, as that is the only way to tackle reoffending effectively. The Minister has referred to that.

Photo of Roy Beggs Roy Beggs UUP

Will the Member draw her remarks to a close?

Photo of Linda Dillon Linda Dillon Sinn Féin

Sorry. We need to have a proper strategic approach to ensure that we implement good policy that reduces the risk of people ending up in the criminal justice system in the first place.

I just want to outline one case that was brought to me recently by a school principal —

Photo of Roy Beggs Roy Beggs UUP

The Member's time is up.

Photo of Linda Dillon Linda Dillon Sinn Féin

— who highlighted to me the need for nurture in his school —.

Photo of Roy Beggs Roy Beggs UUP

The Member's time is up.

Photo of Linda Dillon Linda Dillon Sinn Féin

I think that some leeway was given to others.

Photo of Roy Beggs Roy Beggs UUP

Will the Member, please, take her seat?

Photo of Linda Dillon Linda Dillon Sinn Féin

The need for nurture in his school to address this is where it begins.

Photo of Roy Beggs Roy Beggs UUP

Will the Member, please, take her seat? Thank you.

Photo of Mervyn Storey Mervyn Storey DUP

I welcome the opportunity to take part in the debate as we conclude on the issues that have been raised. Rather than rehearse all the issues that Members have raised, I will make a few comments on what has brought us to this point. Obviously, we are disappointed that the proposer of the motion will not accept our amendment and that, when Mr Blair was making his remarks, he did not refer to the last part of our amendment, which calls on the Minister of Justice:

"to work collaboratively with the Minister of Health and victims’ advocates to introduce an action plan and a resourced implementation plan".

The issue of collaboration was there.

While I welcome the fact that the Minister is here, it is disappointing that nowhere throughout her comments did she make any reference to the amendments or what her view would be. I trust that that does not send out a signal to those who are a blight on our society, whether they are criminals who go under the guise of paramilitaries — we will come to that shortly — or just thugs who are determined to destroy communities and destroy people's lives, that, somehow, there is no place for the criminal justice system. I want to see those who break the law pay the price for doing so. A society that does not have that approach will, in a way, become diverted from actually seeing those who are responsible being brought to justice. Therefore, I am somewhat disappointed in the Minister and the approach that she has taken, even though the previous Minister indicated that her review, which is now complete, gave us a raft of sentencing that needs to be addressed so that we have a judicial system and a sentencing regime that is fit for purpose and, more importantly, fits the crimes of those who have destroyed lives.

Photo of Naomi Long Naomi Long Alliance

I thank the Member for giving way. I just want to point out that, while the sentencing review is complete, its outcomes or conclusions have not been enacted. I would also point him to the part of my speech where I said that the criminal justice system had an important role to play, because he must have missed that in my original remarks.

Photo of Roy Beggs Roy Beggs UUP

The Member has an extra minute.

Photo of Mervyn Storey Mervyn Storey DUP

I thank the Minister. This is the place to have that debate. I look forward to seeing what she brings forward. We can all come to the House, make comments on Twitter and try to salve our consciences by saying that we have done our best for the people that we claim to represent, but the test will be the legislation that we can enact and that can be effective in dealing with those who want to break the law and destroy lives.

I concur with my colleague who moved amendment No 1, the Chair of the Committee for Justice. He gave us the statistics.

The sad reality is that, when we come to debates like this and others, we use statistics, but, as has often been said — we have been given examples in the House this evening — behind all of those figures are individuals, families and communities who have been destroyed because of those activities. We need to ensure that we do not forget that.

Let us not forget that violent and sexual offences are becoming more prevalent. Victims of those crimes will not be comforted by the Minister saying to us this evening that we are better than the rest of the United Kingdom. Although that is the case — the figures indicate that that is so — it gives no comfort to female victims in particular, because crimes against females are becoming more harmful; they account for almost 49% of all violence-against-the-person offences. My colleague gave the figures for those particular crimes.

We could go down those lists of figures, but it is also important to highlight an issue that came to the Policing Board just a few weeks ago: the pathfinder initiative on custody nurse practitioners (CNPs) in Musgrave Street police station. It has seen very good outcomes; it has resulted in a reduction in referrals to emergency departments from Musgrave station of some 42%. I have written to the Health Minister to ensure that funding is in place —

Photo of Roy Beggs Roy Beggs UUP 7:00, 2 March 2020

Will the Member draw his remarks to a close?

Photo of Mervyn Storey Mervyn Storey DUP

— so that it cannot be used as a football to determine who pays the bill, rather than ensure that those who need help will get the help that they rightfully deserve.

Photo of Patsy McGlone Patsy McGlone Social Democratic and Labour Party

I thank all of the Members who have contributed to the debate here today. It is very important. As my colleague Dolores Kelly said at the start, it is imperative to answer the Members across the Chamber by saying that we have a cross-departmental approach to these issues. She cited school failures and mental health, which draw in education, health, housing, youth services and, as was mentioned during the debate, anti-poverty strategies to try to tackle some of the root causes associated with violence of that scale.

I pay tribute to — it has been mentioned somewhat — the likes of Women's Aid and Nexus, which are very often at the forefront of providing help and assistance to those most affected through some of the most vulnerable and difficult times of their lives. I am sure that all of us here have, through our offices, helped to support people and have seen the really good work that is carried out by those organisations — on many occasions, quietly and beneath the radar, but of vital importance.

Paul Givan explained the impact of violent crime. He said that it requires a wider response from society. He nodded in the direction of — we will support the Sinn Féin amendment — support for an extensive and cross-departmental approach to the issue. He referred to an increase in violent crime. All of us would like sentencing to match the level of the violent crime, but we have to look at some of the root causes of that as well, hence the need for a cross-departmental approach. He cited the evidence of trauma inflicted on a family. I suppose that many of us have cases that we can refer to in our own localities. While some are pretty traumatic for the families, those that stick out for us are especially the ones that involve children. We should not forget about those children; some very vicious cases have been before the courts. Trauma inflicted on a family could be on the wife, partner or husband, or it could be on those innocents lying in their cots. Reference was made to increased offences of drug misuse and alcohol abuse, which we all know instances of.

Pat Sheehan referred to the three-stranded approach, if we can call it that: the need for legislation, early intervention and rehabilitation. I thank him for being so concise in outlining that to us. He went on to refer to adverse childhood experiences and insights into the prison population and those coming from disadvantaged areas, and attendant issues such as self-harming and suicide, again bringing us back to mental health often being an underlying factor for people who wind up in prison.

Doug Beattie supported the motion and the amendments. He made reference to not forgetting victims, and I do not think that any of us would do that. Some people have come through awful traumas in their lives, and it would be totally immoral to forget those people and not provide support for them.

Photo of Linda Dillon Linda Dillon Sinn Féin

Does the Member agree that we are absolutely not forgetting about victims in this, because very often the perpetrators were themselves victims and that is how they became perpetrators?

Photo of Patsy McGlone Patsy McGlone Social Democratic and Labour Party

Yes, there is that element of recidivism that comes about, and we hear of families where that is the case. Some have carried that family experience with them and inflicted it on others. In some of those families, that has, unfortunately, become accepted behaviour, which is an awful aspect of life in some households.

John Blair referred to increased collaboration, victims of crime and seeking solutions on an education-wide and cross-departmental basis. He also referred to the substance abuse courts and multi-agency triage.

Paul Frew referred to his previous efforts on domestic violence as well as the issues of one-punch attacks and drink-driving. He talked about the need to give support to victims. In an intervention, Jonny Buckley referred to domestic violence and the importance of doing the right thing. Paul Frew referred back to the private Member's legislation. An important point concerned emergency personnel, doctors, nurses and others who may be subject to assaults while trying to care for people.

Martina Anderson referred to the incidence of violent crime, citing in particular her own city of Derry, where there has been a significant increase in the amount of problems associated with violent crime. She rightly referred to those problems and the lack of quality jobs, the heightened increases in poverty and urban deprivation and how that is associated with violent crime.

Gordon Dunne referred to the need for the voluntary sector and its involvement in particular schemes — he cited a number of schemes in Bangor. He also talked about the effect of violent and abusive behaviour, justice for victims and the punishment fitting the crime. He also referred to the PCSPs, the PSNI and community and voluntary groups: again, a local policy that fits the needs of a local town.

Colin McGrath referred to people suffering in silence because of awful domestic abuse, both young and old, and the need for an anti-poverty strategy to help to tackle some of the root causes of violent and criminal behaviour. He also referred to investment, the recent announcement on local policing initiatives and the importance of local police knowing their local areas and the people in them. He also referred to the ability of young people to access alcohol, which leads on to drug use or drug abuse and antisocial behaviour.

Alan Chambers told his personal, harrowing story of violence. That would have been truly traumatic for any family to come through, and I hope that the proper support was provided to you and your family, Alan, at the time and since.

Claire Sugden referred to her experience at the Department and explained that, at the end of the day, the Department was expected to pick up the pieces. She spoke of the need for cross-departmental cooperation on mental health, education, sport and an anti-poverty strategy. The current Minister thanked her for her hard work during her time as Minister.

The Minister in her response referred to the need for cross-departmental initiatives, for those initiatives to support the vulnerable and for victims to get the necessary support. She cited a number of the Department's initiatives to help to try to tackle violent and antisocial behaviour. She referred to the substance misuse court and the fact that it and other pilot projects seem to be, at this stage, rendering some useful benefits in their progress, albeit that they are pilot projects. She responded on effective enforcement, referring to the Organised Crime Task Force and, again, a multi-agency approach to dealing with a number of these issues, including where the source of some of this criminal activity is organised crime. We will come to that topic later. She spoke about the importance of the assets recovery scheme and of drawing those assets to put them back into the community to help to support efforts to piece communities back together.

Linda Dillon talked about the motion in her intervention, and I thank her for that. She spoke about the necessity for cross-departmental support and cross-departmental initiatives, which has been the common theme running through the debate. Indeed, it was referred to during the debate, including, I think, by the Minister, that it would be part of the Programme for Government. All the parties adhered to that position, so that might be useful. <BR/>Mervyn Storey said that he was disappointed by some of the approaches being taken.

Photo of Roy Beggs Roy Beggs UUP

Will the Member draw his remarks to a close?

Photo of Patsy McGlone Patsy McGlone Social Democratic and Labour Party

In conclusion, we support the Sinn Féin amendment, given that it embraces that necessary cross-departmental and multi-agency approach to tackling some of the worst excesses of violence and domestic crime.

Photo of Roy Beggs Roy Beggs UUP

Before I put the Question on amendment No 1, I remind Members that, if it is made, I will not put the Question on amendment No 2.

Question put, That amendment No 1 be made. The Assembly divided:

<SPAN STYLE="font-style:italic;"> Ayes 32; Noes 42

AYES

Mr Allen, Mr Allister, Mr Beattie, Mr M Bradley, Ms P Bradley, Mr K Buchanan, Mr Buckley, Ms Bunting, Mr Butler, Mrs Cameron, Mr Chambers, Mr Clarke, Mr Dunne, Mr Easton, Mrs Foster, Mr Frew, Mr Givan, Mr Harvey, Mr Hilditch, Mr Humphrey, Mr Irwin, Mr Lyons, Miss McIlveen, Mr Middleton, Mr Nesbitt, Mr Newton, Mr Robinson, Mr Stalford, Mr Stewart, Mr Storey, Mr Swann, Mr Weir

Tellers for the Ayes: Mr M Bradley, Mr Robinson

NOES

Ms Anderson, Dr Archibald, Ms Armstrong, Ms Bailey, Mr Blair, Mr Boylan, Ms S Bradley, Ms Bradshaw, Mr Carroll, Mr Catney, Ms Dillon, Ms Dolan, Mr Durkan, Ms Ennis, Ms Flynn, Mr Gildernew, Ms Hargey, Mr Kearney, Ms C Kelly, Mrs D Kelly, Mr G Kelly, Ms Kimmins, Mrs Long, Mr Lynch, Mr Lyttle, Mr McAleer, Mr McCann, Mr McGlone, Mr McGrath, Mr McGuigan, Mr McHugh, Mr McNulty, Mr Muir, Ms Mullan, Mr Murphy, Ms Ní Chuilín, Mr O'Dowd, Mrs O'Neill, Mr O'Toole, Ms Rogan, Mr Sheehan, Ms Sheerin

Tellers for the Noes: Ms Dillon, Mr McGrath

The following Members voted in both Lobbies and are therefore not counted in the result: Ms Sugden

Question accordingly negatived.

Question, That amendment No 2 be made, put and agreed to.

Main Question, as amended, put and agreed to. Resolved:

That this Assembly expresses concern about increasing levels of violent crime; recognises that this has been accompanied by a similar rise in alcohol and drug-related offences; notes the effect of such crime on victims and on communities across Northern Ireland; further notes that comprehensive legislation protecting victims of domestic violence has yet to be passed; and calls on the Minister of Justice to work collaboratively with Executive Ministers to bring forward an action plan and a resourced implementation plan to reduce violent offending and the risk of reoffending, including by addressing the root causes of offending behaviour such as addiction, mental illness, and poverty.

Photo of Roy Beggs Roy Beggs UUP

I ask Members to take their ease for a few moments.

(Mr Speaker in the Chair)