asked Her Majesty's Government:
What further steps they will take, as a guarantor of the Republic of Cyprus through the treaty of guarantee, in pursuit of an equitable settlement for all communities on the island.
My Lords, the United Kingdom Government remain committed to achieving a fair, viable and lasting settlement in Cyprus for the benefit of all Cypriots. We believe that this can be achieved only through a UN-led process supported by both communities. We will therefore continue to maintain our contact with all parties and encourage all sides to show the necessary political will to engage constructively with the UN's efforts aimed at preparing the ground for a fully fledged settlement negotiation.
My Lords, does the Minister acknowledge that the severe hardships and trade restrictions imposed daily on the Turkish Cypriots are a gross denial of their political and human rights? Further, if it is true, as many in Europe allege, that Turkey cannot join the EU until the Cyprus problem is settled, is it not pure Catch-22 to claim that Turkish membership will bring about such a settlement? Which comes first, the chicken or the egg? Will the Government at least take steps to assist the Northern Cyprus economy by ensuring that the universities there are able to keep within the Bologna process, which would help a lot?
My Lords, that was a complex question, if I may say so. I start with the general proposition that we fully support Turkey's entrance into the EU. In doing so, we insist that Turkey must meet the obligations of being a member, and those obligations must extend to rights in Cyprus as a whole. We plainly need a comprehensive settlement. Everyone agrees that the UN will have to deal with a wide variety of issues, covering property, education, access, offshore exploration and so on—and that is why it requires the UN. The interests are very wide and no one country, I am afraid, is going to break through this conundrum.
My Lords, the Minister has stressed the United Nations' role but, as we are all aware, both the EU and NATO not only are involved in the Cyprus question but are considerably obstructed by it, particularly as it affects the relationship between NATO and the EU. Since the whole question of EU engagement in Cyprus is central to resolving the issue of Northern Cyprus, can Her Majesty's Government assure us that they are working as hard as they can with their partner Governments within the European Union to move the deadlock in a more positive direction?
My Lords, I hope that we have been doing exactly that. If we had been looking at the issue towards the end of last year, we would probably have detected some momentum. I greatly regret that that momentum has been lost. However, we are working not only in the EU but at the UN to see whether, with a new UN Secretary-General, there can be a new initiative with some strength and some purpose. That is plainly what is needed.
My Lords, one of the unresolved issues, and a cause of continuing tension between the two communities on the island, relates to those who disappeared during previous troubles. What support are Her Majesty's Government giving to the UN missing persons committee in tracing, identifying and returning remains? What progress has so far been made in bringing some degree of closure to the many relatives for whom this is a continuing painful issue in both communities?
My Lords, it indeed remains a source of great pain. We have done all we can, not least because we have considerable resources in Cyprus, to assist in that work. It is slow work, however, and neither community has been wholly forthcoming in assisting each other. We need to persuade them that they should. The comprehensive settlement which I have tried to describe must, in the final analysis, give greater comfort to those who have lost their loved ones.
My Lords, I have just returned from a parliamentary delegation to Cyprus, where regrettably our Greek Cypriot hosts would not allow us to visit Northern Cyprus. Is the Minister aware that there is a growing acceptance among the Greek Cypriots that there can be no settlement unless Turkey enters the European Union—that the two are interlinked? Is he aware that there is increasing acceptance among Greek Cypriots that a permanent partition of the island is now likely? That being so, why is it that the United Nations initiative last summer to get the leaderships of both communities to enter into dialogue has not yet happened? What are Her Majesty's Government doing to help bring about such a dialogue?
My Lords, it is our intention to ensure that there is a new and strong United Nations initiative. At different times, each of the communities—I want to be deliberately even-handed about this—has resisted that initiative. We must try to move both together, or it is extremely unlikely to succeed. I do not, however, think it inevitable that we cannot make progress—not least because the assessment is right. The accession discussions with the EU hold the keys to a number of changes that would make a fundamental shift in the position in Cyprus possible.
My Lords, in the forthcoming EU summit, which I think is this weekend, will this issue have a high priority? Does the Minister accept that developments are becoming quite dangerous, with the mood in Turkey changing to a distinctly hostile attitude towards the European Union, and talk being circulated of Turkey looking eastwards rather than westwards? Does he agree that it is becoming one of the priorities of the European Union to prepare itself and get into better shape to meet the network demands of the 21st century?
My Lords, I have much sympathy with the thought that underpins that question. There will of course be an assessment of the rate of progress of discussion of the chapters to see what has been achieved under the German presidency. A number of chapters have been opened and I believe that there are good signs of progress on them. We will have to press hard for other chapters to be opened at the very first moment that it is possible to do so. In those circumstances, I hope that Turkish public opinion will conclude that the process is worth continuing to engage in. That is what is needed, because it is absolutely right to say that public sentiment is drifting away as people strike postures saying that they do not want to see Turkey admitted at all. Turkish public opinion suggests that in some circles they are finding the process too unrewarding and too hostile.