Church and State

Part of the debate – in the House of Lords at 3:43 pm on 22 May 2002.

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Photo of The Bishop of Durham The Bishop of Durham Bishop 3:43, 22 May 2002

My Lords, I, too, thank the noble Lord, Lord Maclennan, for introducing this fascinating subject. I think that I speak for all Members on these Benches, both present and absent, when I say that we are very glad that the subject has been brought into the public domain at this time. It is a topical subject in the life of the Church, and this is a very good place in which to rehearse those arguments. It is also a great privilege to follow a speaker as distinguished as the noble Lord, Lord Hurd, who is such a stalwart in enabling the Church of England to think through much of its current strategy, not least on appointments and the role of the Archbishop of Canterbury.

I believe that this is a hugely important issue, in relation to which we understand not so much the Church of England, but something about the heart of the nation. In other words, it would be a pity if this debate were to become side-tracked on to some of the issues and components of the Church-state relationship without our beginning to understand what we are as a nation. I do not believe that it is a debate about the so-called privilege—which we call service—of the Church of England.

I do not believe, in spite of the passionate intervention of the noble Lord, Lord Faulkner, that the debate is about the bishops' membership of the House of Lords, or indeed about the Prime Minister's appointment of bishops. There will be other places and other debates, even in this House, where those issues can be fully debated. I do not believe that the debate is essentially about the constitutional obligations which the Church of England carries out in every locality in the land; nor do I believe that it is about the scrutinising of Church legislation by Parliament. Each of those expressions of the Church-state relationship has proved capable of development and change without affecting the basic constitutional ties, and those processes will continue.

More subtly and more powerfully, the Church is part of a constitutional weave which includes the monarchy, Parliament, the law, and faith. The noble Lord, Lord Maclennan, asked what it is that we fear. For my part, a quick answer is that I fear the law being left to the lawyers alone, politics being left to the politicians alone, and religion being left to the bishops alone. We need each other in that weave of the constitutional understanding of the nation. Locally and nationally, each of those ingredients of our constitutional framework finds practical expression in what makes up a nation. Each element needs the other. Without the checks and balances, monarchy could become despotic; Parliament could become a playground of personal ambition; law could become detached from the hinge of justice and compassion; religion could become fanatical and fundamentalist—I agree with that point. But within our national framework, we owe each other a mutual accountability; and indeed we owe a corporate accountability to the people of this land.

The record of religion, strengthened by a constitutional partnership, is impressive in the fields of education, social justice, the law and—with their historical and ethical insights—in disciplines such as medicine, the arts and economics.

That contribution is best made from within the constitution. The Church has a unique presence in every community. Perhaps that is even envied, especially by political parties. The Church exercises leadership in many regional and national institutions, because it is regarded there as a good broker between sectional interests.

Of course, some of these roles are played out by Churches and faith communities in other parts of the world which have no formal church-state expression. But we are here—we are where we are in the evolution of the constitutional arrangements with which we work. To disengage constitutionally from the Church would jettison the opportunity for the state to recognise the powerful contribution which religion plays in our national life, socially, morally and symbolically.

To consider closing that relationship would condemn religion to privatisation—perhaps that is what some people in public life are looking for. Religious institutions and individuals with religious motivation do not want to be patronised as though faith were a nice optional extra. They want to be partners with the rest of the policy-makers and the priority-formers—not in terms of privilege for ourselves, but for the common good.

The present constitutional arrangement offers a starting-point for further evolution shaped by the times in which we live. It offers a gate through which other Christian traditions, and indeed other faith communities, can be encouraged into constitutional participation. This, I believe, is the way to provide for the voice of equality for which the noble Lord, Lord Maclennan, passionately pleaded.

Her Majesty the Queen is an example of a way in which these strands can be brought together in a celebration of national identity. The Church of England's presence at all levels of society, its relationships with other faith communities, its provision of a focus and a venue for the expression of powerful symbol—all these factors suggest its commonly accepted role and accountability among all the other expressions of national life. All those should not be abandoned without weighing very carefully the far-reaching consequences.

There is no evidence in history to suppose that a church with a formal relationship with the state loses its prophetic independence. The noble Lord, Lord Hurd, referred to some good examples in recent history. There is indeed much more evidence to suggest that the religious dimension, which touches the vast majority of the people of this land, is more likely to be side-lined, ignored or patronised if the religious voice does not have an acknowledged place within the fabric of the nation.