“(1) The total amount of compensation paid by the Secretary of State under Part 2 and financial assistance paid under section 58 is limited to—

(a) £500m, or

(b) an amount so authorised by resolution of the House of Commons, whichever is higher.”—(Sarah Olney.)

Brought up, and read the First time.

Question put, That the clause be read a Second time.

The Committee divided: Ayes 157, Noes 287.

Question accordingly negatived.

The Deputy Speaker resumed the Chair.

Bill, not amended, reported.

Bill, not amended in the Committee, considered.

Before we proceed to the next business, I have a short statement to make. I have received a report from the Tellers in the No Lobby on the Division that took place in Committee of the Whole House at 8.27 pm yesterday on new Clause 2 to the Steel Industry (Nationalisation) Bill. The hon. Members for Bangor Aberconwy (Claire Hughes) and for Wells and Mendip Hills (Tessa Munt) have informed me that the number of no votes was erroneously reported as 257, rather than 251. I will direct the Clerk to correct the numbers in the Journal accordingly. The ayes were 65 and the noes were 251.

—[Official Report, 8 June 2026;
Vol. 787, c. 111.]

Third Reading

I beg to move, That the Bill be now read the Third time.

This Government believe in Britain’s steel future. This Bill will help to transform that belief into a reality. It will ensure that the long-term vision for our UK steel sector is realised, helping to restore domestic production to sustainable levels and to support this Government’s economic growth plans. This Bill provides powers for the Government to bring steel companies into public ownership, subject to the public interest test being met.

In many ways, the progress of this Bill has shown the House at its very best, with passion, insight and determination to take action in the national interest. We had an excellent and wide-ranging debate, with Members from all parts of the House recognising the importance of passing this legislation. Let me begin by thanking Members for their time and their thoughts. I express my gratitude to those who have contributed to the passage of this Bill so far, especially those who have taken a particular interest in ensuring that we get the details of this vital piece of legislation right.

I also take a moment to recognise those working in and supporting our steelmaking communities. Every day, they make a vital contribution to our country’s economic security. During the passage of this Bill, we have heard much about the specific situation at British Steel Ltd, and in particular about its current ownership status.

Let me be frank with the House: our decision to proceed with this Bill—to take these powers now—has absolutely nothing to do with the national origin of the current owners, Jingye. We have always been and remain country-agnostic about the current ownership. We simply believe that the British public interest should be paramount in determinations about future ownership. We continue to welcome international investment into the UK, including from China. We remain committed to our legal and international obligations to overseas business and foreign investors. We are fully compliant with our treaty undertakings to protect overseas investors and businesses operating in the United Kingdom.

While this Government need to take steps to secure UK Steel’s capability, we are committed to doing so in a manner that respects the rights of businesses. When and where the Government exercise the transfer powers in the Bill, an independent valuer will be appointed to determine what compensation, if any, is payable. The Bill requires a clear public interest test and provides for a compensation scheme where that might be relevant. The Government fully respect the rights of businesses and investors subject to this Bill. We will continue at all times to act fairly, regardless of the nationality or background of those businesses.

I place on record my thanks to parliamentary counsel and officials in my Department for their hard work on drafting and guiding the passage of this Bill. I also thank the Clerks, the Doorkeepers, Hansard and all of the House and its authorities for making the passage of this legislation possible. Let me also, on a personal note, pay tribute to the Minister for Industry, my hon. Friend Chris McDonald. A lifetime of dedication to the steel sector has brought valuable insight, passion and creative parliamentarian work to the Bill, which has enriched the debate in this place.

The House has sent a clear message about the importance of decisive action to safeguard the future of the steel industry. Since I became Secretary of State, I have championed an activist, interventionist industrial policy—activist, because the years of standing back and watching British industry decline are over; interventionist, because we, like other Governments around the world both right and left, from the United States to France and Germany, step in to invest, modernise and protect our industries. Our policy is both activist and interventionist, because purpose without action is merely rhetoric, and acting without purpose is performative, not strategic. The Bill is action with a purpose, and the purpose is clear: to invest in, modernise and protect Britain’s steel.

I am encouraged to witness the strength of support in the Chamber for this activist, interventionist Bill. As it moves to the other place, let me reiterate my commitment to continued engagement with parliamentarians as it completes its passage and we ensure that the Government’s vision for Britain’s steel sector becomes a reality. I commend the Bill to the House.

I call the Shadow Minister.

I think it has been clear throughout these two days of debate that none of us in the House underestimates the importance of the steel industry to our national economy, to our industrial resilience, and to the communities whose livelihoods depend on it. We can all agree that steel matters, and that steel jobs matter. However, we also believe that the responsible stewardship of taxpayers’ money matters, and despite the eloquent way in which the Secretary of State expressed his views on the Bill, we see it much more as a chaotic and unplanned Intervention. It is not the product of a clear steel industrial strategy, but the product of a failure to negotiate a better outcome. The negotiated outcome was a possibility; the Secretary of State even went to China to try to achieve it.

It is the failure to address the root causes of the industry’s difficulties that has brought us to where we are today. The Bill could also be described as the steel industry blank cheque Bill, because it fails to protect the public purse from potentially vast and open-ended liabilities. Nationalisation does not solve the underlying issue that is making domestic steel production unprofitable. The higher employment costs, higher energy costs, planning issues, carbon pricing, regulation and levies associated with the Government’s net zero policies continue to weigh heavily on the sector, and the Bill does nothing to resolve those pressures. Instead, it transfers them wholesale on to the taxpayer.

We should reflect on how we came to this point. Not long ago, the Government told the House that they did not want to nationalise British Steel—indeed, that was presented as a last resort to be avoided—and yet here we are, because the Government have failed to negotiate an alternative. We see once again that when this Government negotiate, it is the taxpayer who picks up the bill. Since the intervention began last year, on that historic Saturday, the cost has already run to more than £1.3 million every single day. That is a bill for the taxpayer that will only become larger with this legislation. The Bill exposes the public finances to further liabilities—contingent liabilities, not only substantial but, alarmingly, potentially unlimited in terms of both their scale and their duration. This is a Government getting a blank cheque forever.

Surely what the hon. Member should do is welcome the fact that our party is under new and outstanding leadership. We believe that politicians should not be in the business of running commercial enterprises, but I can see that that is the political position of the Reform party. The risks of inefficiency, political interference and poor capital allocation are very well known.

It is a bit rich to be lectured on support for party leadership from someone on the Labour Benches, so I will move on swiftly.

This Bill sets a precedent. Indeed, the Government’s own impact assessment says that expropriating assets in this way risks undermining the investor confidence that we need at this precise moment, when the UK needs to attract inward investment into strategic industries.

Throughout our Committee considerations, we have sought to improve this legislation to introduce better transparency for Parliament, to limit liability and to ensure proper parliamentary oversight. I thank my team, the team of Clerks, the whipping team and you, Madam Deputy Speaker. Throughout this process, our amendments were responsible safeguards; they were designed to protect the taxpayer and to impose discipline on the Government. Their rejection only reinforces our concern that Ministers are unwilling to confront the full implications of their own policy.

As we come to Third Reading, the choice is clear. This Bill risks enormous cost, offers insufficient answers, and sends troubling signals about the UK as a place to do business. We cannot support it in its current form. We will not vote against its Third Reading today, but for the sake of the taxpayer, the health of the steel sector and the credibility of industrial policy in this country, we cannot support it either.

In my Constituency of Darlington, we know the economic importance of the steel industry, and many of my constituents bear the scars of the Conservative party’s unwavering worship of the global free market. Regardless of the social, economic, community or security costs, they badly let us down. The last Government refused to step in for our highly skilled essential steel workers in Redcar, leading to the loss of thousands of jobs and the closure of a 170-year-old industry, and thousands more jobs in the supply chain were lost.

The Conservatives demanded a cap on the cost to the Treasury for this essential Intervention to protect out sovereign steel capacity, which shows that they still do not get it. It shows their fundamental misunderstanding of the mistakes they made while they were in government. Despite their historic defeat, they refuse to accept that their inaction on steel has already cost the taxpayer dearly, and not only in significant employment tax contributions but in the business contributions of this critical industry’s supply chain. It is their inaction that chilled investment.

We know that thriving supply chains boost local employment and incubate home-grown entrepreneurs. They boost confidence locally, and industrial communities such as ours support and cultivate thriving, close-knit business ecosystems—something that we in Darlington still benefit from greatly, despite the closure of SSI, Cleveland Bridge and British Steel on Whessoe Road.

The vacant South Works site in Darlington, which is currently available to rent, is 131,000 square feet and comes with three cranes. If anyone is looking for a magnificent industrial steel site in the heart of the country’s most investable town, please do contact me, and I will happily negotiate and advocate for a discounted rent from Richard Tice.

The pride that our community has in a critical, century-old industry cannot be overstated. It is vital for wellbeing, but it is security that is essential for growth. People employed in critical industries, whether self-employed, businesses or workers, can afford to spend locally—they have the confidence to get the kitchen done, or take the family out for a meal. It is insecurity that chills investment and growth. By securing this critical sovereign industry, this Labour Government are demonstrating and living our values, and delivering on the change that we were sent here to make.

The difference could not be more clear: where the last Government allowed an essential, critical, highly skilled, historical British industry to be decimated by inaction and ignorance, this Labour Government promote our most qualified steel industry expert to the front bench to protect high-skilled jobs, stand up for our supply chains, champion our communities and nationalise steel in the national interest—and I, for one, say all power to them.

As Members will be aware, part of the Scunthorpe steelworks site falls within my Brigg and Immingham Constituency. As such, hundreds of my constituents work there, and hundreds more are employed in the supply chain. With that in mind, I made it known to my constituents a number of weeks ago that I would support this Bill. It could have been improved, and the Opposition tabled some perfectly sensible amendments, which I supported. However, having got to this stage, I think it is only right that we give our full support to the business and, more importantly, to the workers employed there. I thank the Minister with responsibility for steel. We have had a number of meetings in recent weeks, and he has been extremely helpful.

As I said in a previous contribution to this debate, it is not natural for me as a Conservative to support a nationalisation Bill, but the reality is that it is of course a restructuring. The existing position whereby the Chinese own the business and the Government in effect run it is clearly unsustainable, and we cannot allow that to continue, so it is a perfectly sensible move. I was reassured by what the Minister said in yesterday’s debate about the Government looking for private sector involvement, whether that be a wholesale sale or a partnership arrangement. I have met two or three groups that are interested in investing in the sector. Indeed, Sir Nicholas Dakin and I had quite an interesting evening a few weeks ago listening to what was, I think it is fair to say, quite an ambitious plan for steel, so there are organisations and businesses that are prepared to invest.

Scunthorpe without steel would not be Scunthorpe. As a resident of Grimsby, I have witnessed what can happen to a town when it loses its core industry—in the case of Grimsby, it was of course the deep-sea fishing industry—and when that happens, it takes about two generations for the local economy to be able to sustain the jobs that are necessary. On that basis, I will certainly be supporting the Bill.

The Minister was not quite 100% clear when challenged about the continuation of production in blast furnaces. I know the situation, and I recognise that a long-term move to electric arc furnaces is perhaps the only way to sustain the industry and the jobs in Scunthorpe. So I await developments with interest, but at this stage I welcome the Bill, which is a sensible way forward and has my full support.

I welcome the contributions from both sides of the House, in particular from Martin Vickers. Like him, I represent an industrial Constituency. My constituency in north Wales sadly holds the record, in any western country, for the largest number of industrial redundancies in one day. I think it speaks to all the constituencies affected that that goes through not just generations, but families—different generations of the same family. Many of my constituents have been affected, as have I personally.

The most exciting thing about how the Government have been very decisive on working to support and encourage British-made steel is not only what it does for just the steel sector, but what it says about our ambition to have proud, decent, good-quality jobs back in the UK. I thank everyone who has contributed. It is an absolute privilege for my communities to vote the Bill through today.

With the leave of the House, I would like to thank my hon. Friend Lola McEvoy for her passionate speech and my hon. Friend Becky Gittins for her heartfelt speech just now. Those are the kinds of contributions that give heart and soul to what we are trying to achieve, and that give voice to the communities affected. I also pay tribute to Martin Vickers for his contribution. I commend the Bill to the House.

Question put and agreed to.

Bill accordingly read the Third time and passed.