We need to find out what is at the heart of that allegation. No member of my party is ever allowed to serve on any of the quangos and other bodies that are established in Northern Ireland. I could give the House a list of the people who do sit on them. They include failed political candidates—people who could not get elected and who forfeited their deposits, but who have been stuck on those boards because they will not say or do anything.

The hon. Member for Antrim, East (Mr. Beggs) who was the chairman of the board in my own locality, knows that representatives of the maintained schools are on all those boards and can influence voting in respect of the state schools—yet when it comes to their own, they say, "We're different. You can't interfere with us."

I have always believed that people—be they Roman Catholic or Protestant—should have a fair slice of the cake. I have always held that belief, and I practise it in my political life. I defy any right hon. or hon. Member to bring me a Roman Catholic from Northern Ireland who will say, "I went to Ian Paisley with a problem and he did not help." Ministers know that to be true, because they continually receive letters from me on problems affecting all sections of the community.

I am in this House to see fair play, and the Protestant sector of the Northern Ireland community is not getting fair play today. The Protestant community cannot take the beating that it is getting without breaking. This is a hard thing for me to say, but, one day, the Protestant population will break. I say, in God's name, do not drive them to breaking point. I may not be here to speak for them. My colleagues in this House may not be here to speak for them. The people with whom the Government then have to deal may not be reasonable people—the people with whom they would want to deal. But if the Protestant population are pushed, something will happen.

I go to funerals because I feel that it is my duty to try to succour families. I am a pastor—I have worked at being one for 45 years. I can sit at someone's home, and I can nurse the orphans and put my arm around the widows and comfort them. I have received scores and scores of letters thanking me. That is why I go. I do not go for publicity. I do not go to have my photograph taken. I detest photographers at funerals. I wish that they would take their cameras off funerals and allow people to bury their dead in peace and dignity.

At the funerals that I have attended recently, there is an ugly silence. People do not speak. I have never seen such alarm, and people in such a state, as I did at a funeral the other day in the constituency of the hon. Member for Antrim, East. There is a solemn, sad shadow being cast, and people are asking, "Is there any hope for us?"

Everything must be done to ensure that nothing hinders the present political dialogue—nothing. If the Republican Government says this or that must be done, it must be told that it cannot be done, and that the people of Northern Ireland must be allowed the 10 weeks they want. In the name of the dead, of the widows, and of the blood that has been shed, give them 10 weeks. Do not drive the people of Northern Ireland to desperation.

I know what I am talking about, because I have had people in my home and have attended meetings around the country. Elected representatives of Northern Ireland are distracted. Without support, I can do nothing for Northern Ireland.

If I cannot deliver the goods, if I cannot deliver my people to an agreement, we will not have an agreement. The two Unionist leaders can deliver the Unionist people, in support of a fair righteous agreement, but it may be a long time before two Unionist leaders will be in a position to do that again, so, please, in God's name, for the sake of the Province, do not push us. Try to help us and let us hear no more rubbish about it being "an insult to Dublin" to say that they should not interfere. Let us look at Northern Ireland and say that they will try to help them. That is the last plea that I want to make.