Madam Deputy Speaker, who was in the Chair, did not accept what I said—that is why I am asking you to read Hansard, Mr. Speaker. As you know, I am not entitled to go upstairs and to bring that Hansard report down to the Chamber, so I am asking you to read Hansard and to give us your view. I advise those who want to apologise for such behaviour in the House that I have been a Member of the House for 21 years, and. I know some of its ways. I also know a lot about Ulster politics and that accusations are made, but we highly resent such accusations.

To begin my speech, I now understand why we are in a mess in Northern Ireland. Tonight, the hon. Member for Eltham has demonstrated in the House the sort of thinking that has brought us to this mess in Northern Ireland. I should love to take the hon. Gentleman to a graveyard in Castlederg which contains row upon row of graves of Ulster Defence Regiment men. Then I should like to take him to the widows and orphans so that he can explain to them the abominable policy that he has outlined to the House as a way of ridding ourselves of the Irish Republican scum who are killing our people. That philosophy is completely isolated from reality and from the sorrows and agony of Northern Ireland that has brought us down into the mess that we are in. When the hon. Gentleman was in Northern Ireland, he lectured us about our bigotry. On radio, he lectured us about the bigotry of the people of Northern Ireland.

The hon. Member for Eltham expounded his philosophy of how we are to rid our Province of what is happening there and of men who are not content to kill their victims but will not even allow them to be buried. I was in that church because I represent the whole of Northern Ireland in another place. While the victim was a constituent of my hon. Friend the Member for North Down (Mr. Kilfedder), he was also my constituent in my European parliamentary constituency. I know the family and I know where the victim lived. He lived adjacent to the place where I preach.

The funeral had to be held up because the IRA said that it had laid a bomb on the very route that the funeral would take to the graveyard and another bomb in the graveyard. The terrorists gave the proper IRA code to the police, so we know that it was not a prank. When we have to face such behaviour, we know that it will never be got rid of by some sort of philosophy in this House. It is impossible to wean those these people away from violence. People maintain that there are so many in a small group and that one by one they can be weaned away. These people cannot be weaned away from their evil

I have read deeply in Irish history. I have read everything that I could lay my hands on about what happened in the Irish Republic. It had similar circumstances to what we have in Northern Ireland today when the irregulars were killing, maiming and destroying in the south of Ireland. Kevin O'Higgins, a Republican whose understanding of Ireland would be entirely different from mine, said that there was only one way to put the violence down. It was by weapons that the people themselves used.

Of course, Kevin O'Higgins lost his life because he carried out the only policy that led to success. But he brought about peace in the southern part of our island. It will take resolution, strength, courage and determination to put down the violent men that are abroad in our Province, not an empty philosophy.

I have studied the figures carefully. If one studies the last council by-election, it is clear that there is a rising tide of political support for Sinn Fein. I know what I am talking about in my area and in other areas. I do not speak as an individual: I speak from an advantage point that no one else in the House can speak from. In numbers, I have had more votes cast for me than any politician living or dead in the United Kingdom. I do not speak for half a dozen people. I am not talking about getting in on split votes. I am talking about massive majorities in my European campaign. I am talking for people. I want to tell the House tonight that it needs to listen to the people.

I shall not take much time to speak about the talks. The Secretary of State knows my mind. I have already seen him. I have talked to him personally with my colleague, the right hon. Member for Lagan Valley (Mr. Molyneaux). The Secretary of State knows our minds on what is happening, and I shall not repeat anything in the House. Tonight we can see just who is sincere about the talks. In the statement that was made on 26 March, there was no mention of dates; 16 July was not sacrosanct. It was not even in Hansard. Hon. Members can read it for themselves.

All I am saying is that we understood that there were two conditions. The first one was that the Secretary of State would tell us when strand two would commence after he had consulted the rest of the parties on that matter. We then discovered, through a newspaper report, that the independent chairman for strand two was to come to our Province in the first week of July for the first meeting of strand two, then go away and not return until September. The Secretary of State was to consult the other parties when strand two began, but the independent chairman was to come in the first week of July for the start of that process. I wonder why the other delegates were not told that.

Secondly, we were to have 10 to 11 weeks to complete the process. The Secretary of State can stand up now and tell the House whether my colleague, the right hon. Member for Lagan Valley and I thought that we had enough time.