Part of the debate – in the House of Commons at 5:27 pm on 3 March 1983.
Mr Thomas Torney
, Bradford South
5:27,
3 March 1983
Before I begin my speech I should like to dispel the feeling that seems to be abroad, through interventions and what the Minister said, that the Labour party in government would not sponsor agriculture, support it or want to see an increase in agricultural production. That is an absolute fallacy. I want to kill the suggestion once and for all.
We would still be prepared to put in taxpayers' money to support agriculture. We would still want to see greater agricultural production. We might have differences with the Conservatives over where the money went, whether it would be to the rich or poor farmer, but it has never been the policy of the Labour party to weaken agriculture or to produce less of our nation's food. We fully appreciate the economic gain to Britain if we can produce more of our food rather than buy so much from abroad. That should be made clear.
The Labour party objects to pouring taxpayers' money indiscriminately into the Common Market to support not just British agriculture but that of France and other countries. That is precisely what we are doing. All of the surpluses that are produced in France and sold cheaply on world markets are partly supported by the British taxpayers. I agree with the right hon. Member for Stafford and Stone (Sir H. Fraser). The Labour party utterly opposes using taxpayers' money to support the agriculture industries of other countries.
The motion refers to
the Government's intention to seek an agreement on l983–84 farm support prices and related measures designed to reduce
surplus production, to limit the cost of the Common Agricultural Policy, and to take account of the interests of customers and food processors.
The Minister must know that the French, having established the agricultural make-up of the EC, will never allow us to change the CAP in the way that we want. The right hon. Member for Stafford and Stone was absolutely right. We want changes in the CAP so that those countries which produce surpluses pay for them and their disposal out of their own taxpayers' money, not ours. The French will not agree to that in a million years. I am sure that the Minister knows that. He must be talking with his tongue in his cheek if he believes that it is possible to change the CAP, because some member countries are concerned only to look after their own interests and are not prepared to help other people.
The milk lake and the butter mountain are just as serious a threat to the United Kingdom taxpayer and consumer today as they were on that unfortunate day when Parliament voted to enter the EC. The tide of milk production in the EC is still rising. That will push the Common Market into yet another budget crisis within a year. Output of dairy products has been rising much faster than consumption. There are 600,000 tonnes of surplus butter and 1·4 million tonnes of skimmed milk powder. Those are not my words. They are those of Poul Dalsager, the EC farm commissioner, at the Dairy Trade Federation conference in London yesterday. We in Britain pay dearly for the sale of the surpluses both through our contributions to the EC budget and through high prices for the consumer.
We have the further restriction of the co-responsibility levy. It does nothing to restrict production in the EC, but punishes the British farmer and consumer, yet we do not contribute to the massive EC surplus of dairy products. It merely allows the French and other farmers to go away scot-free. Indeed, they call the tune. They build up the surplus while we in the United Kingdom must subsidise it and pay for its disposal.
Milk production in the EC is increasing at a nightmare rate. Only two months into 1983 we have spent several hundred million pounds above the budget on stocking and subsidising exports of dairy products. If that trend continues as the dairy season gets under way, the 1983 farm budget might be more than £1 billion overspent. We also have the problem of EC-produced UHT milk and the European Court's decision which threatens our daily doorstep delivery.
I was pleased to hear the Minister speak of his support for our doorstep deliveries. These deliveries sell a lot of milk. Without them, United Kingdom milk consumption would fall still further and a considerable amount of unemployment would be created in the dairy industry and its allied industries. The milkman provides a free social service every day. That is a vital point when we consider the surpluses. I wish that the Minister had spent more time dealing with it. What are we to do about the surpluses and the mass of the EC budget that is spent on the CAP? Does the Minister really believe that there is likely to be agreement to change the CAP to the advantage of Britain?
I understand that the European Commission has launched a £4,000 million programme to help poor regions of the EC. That will involve a six-year investment programme. The mass of the money, which is to be provided by EC taxpayers—that includes the British taxpayer once again—is to be spent on a CAP that is wasteful for Britain.
The countries that are to join the EC are predominantly agricultural. Most of their agriculture is inefficient and they will gain from the programme that I have described. What is more important is that they will contribute to the already massive surpluses in agricultural commodities. Greece will receive 38·4 per cent. of the money that is spent under that scheme. Italy is to receive 44·5 per cent. and even France is to get 17·1 per cent. France is not a poor Mediterranean country, but perhaps a little of that country borders the Mediterranean. The plan calls for the spending of £250 of EC money on each of the 6 million Greeks involved, £53 on each of the 33 million Italians who are covered, and £56 on each of the 17 million French who live in the area involved. No one could ask for a greater indictment of the straitjacket that the Common Market imposes upon us.
If we could reform the CAP in the way suggested by the right hon. Member for Stafford and Stone we might be able to remove that straitjacket. However, we know that it is impossible, because the French would never agree to such a change. The Minister must know in his heart of hearts that there can never be agreement on the changes that we need. The obvious answer to the problem is to get out of the straitjacket, leave the Common Market and look after our interests as the French, to the detriment of everyone else in the Community, look after theirs.
The European Commission is the politically independent institution that represents and upholds the interests of the EU as a whole. It is the driving force within the EU’s institutional system: it proposes legislation, policies and programmes of action and it is responsible for implementing the decisions of Parliament and the Council.
Like the Parliament and Council, the European Commission was set up in the 1950s under the EU’s founding treaties.
The Conservatives are a centre-right political party in the UK, founded in the 1830s. They are also known as the Tory party.
With a lower-case ‘c’, ‘conservative’ is an adjective which implies a dislike of change, and a preference for traditional values.
Ministers make up the Government and almost all are members of the House of Lords or the House of Commons. There are three main types of Minister. Departmental Ministers are in charge of Government Departments. The Government is divided into different Departments which have responsibilities for different areas. For example the Treasury is in charge of Government spending. Departmental Ministers in the Cabinet are generally called 'Secretary of State' but some have special titles such as Chancellor of the Exchequer. Ministers of State and Junior Ministers assist the ministers in charge of the department. They normally have responsibility for a particular area within the department and are sometimes given a title that reflects this - for example Minister of Transport.