Part of the debate – in the House of Commons at 10:19 am on 13 June 1980.
Mr Keith Hampson
, Ripon
10:19,
13 June 1980
I am pleased that the Government have chosen to debate this subject. Hon. Members say that the Finniston report is important. It is. However, a few Fridays ago I had a debate on the Finniston report. Again, hon. Members said that the report was important. Only three hon. Members were present at that debate. I see that we have done better today. However, there are still only 10 or 12 hon. Members in the Chamber. The absence of hon. Members may be a reflection of the problem. We must engender greater enthusiasm. A fundamental problem must be recognised.
Yesterday I was in the Chamber when my right hon. Friend the Member for Taunton (Mr. du Cann) made a telling contribution. He spoke about the development of our economy over a reasonable period of time. He said :
It seems to me that we continually give too high a priority to consumption and too little to wealth creation."—[Official Report, 12 June 1980; Vol. 986, c. 906.]
I fully endorse that sentiment. He went on to itemise the increasing cost of
administration and of bureaucracy, and pointed out that wages and salaries have spiralled. He emphasised that investment in capital projects had diminished proportionately. However, we do not only need Government support for projects such as those of the construction industry. We must also invest in skills, techniques and the abilities of those who will be our future managers and engineers. It is they who will create the wealth.
Whatever quality of life we may seek, and whatever improvements we may desire in hospitals, schools and facilities for the sick and elderly, we must first create wealth. The Finniston report brilliantly points out that, compared to our rivals, this country has been progressively sliding backwards in its ability to create such wealth. That consideration must be borne in mind whenever the Finniston report is debated.
The report covers a wide range of interests and many pressures are involved. If one listens to all the pressure groups and all the suggestions, one finds that one is left with nothing. No part of the report would be worth implementing. The pressures would trade off and the report could be pulled to bits. The hon. Member for Nuneaton (Mr. Huckfield) pointed out that the interests that represent professional engineers have been pulling in different directions. The question of how to retain and improve high standards is central to the report's terms of reference. How can the profession ensure the right type of professional discipline and conduct? That is important.
The report makes several recommendations. The quality of training is linked to professional discipline and conduct. The professional engineering institutions argue that they have been responsible for maintaining standards and training for many years and that they should be responsible for the conduct of their members and for the standards of the profession. They do not want the Government to play a part. That is why a compromise solution has been reached and why the Privy Council—rather than the Government—has been chosen to nominate the body. However, at the end of the day the Government would appoint the members. It is nonsense to bring in the Privy Council. If we set up such a body and believe that it is important—either because we wish to do something about the professional standards of engineers, or about our industrial climate and investment—that body should be made accountable to Parliament. It should not be strictly accountable to the Privy Council, and only indirectly accountable to government.
The Privy Council goes back to the earliest days of the Monarchy, when it comprised those appointed by the King or Queen to advise on matters of state.
As the constitution developed into today's constitutional monarchy, under which The Sovereign acts on the advice of Ministers, so the Privy Council adapted. Its day to day business is transacted by those of Her Majesty's Ministers who are Privy Counsellors, that is all Cabinet Ministers and a number of junior Ministers. Membership of the Privy Council brings with it the right to be called "Right Honourable".
The Privy Council still meets regularly, on average once a month, but, as with the Cabinet, most of its business is transacted in discussion and correspondence between its Ministerial members and the Government Departments that advise them. The Privy Council Office (which is itself a Government Department) provides a secretariat for these discussions, as the Cabinet Office does in relation to the business of Cabinet and Cabinet Committees. Councils are held by The Queen and are attended by Ministers and the Clerk of the Council. At each meeting the Council will obtain Her Majesty's formal approval to a number of Orders which have already been discussed and approved by Ministers, much as Acts of Parliament become law through the giving of the Royal Assent after having been debated in Parliament.
Meetings are reported in the Court Circular, along with the names of Ministers attending (usually four in number). The Orders made at each Council are in the public domain, and each bears the date and place of the Council at which it was made. There is therefore nothing at all "secret" about Privy Council meetings. The myth that the Privy Council is a secretive body springs from the wording of the Privy Counsellor's Oath , which, in its current form, dates back to Tudor times. It requires those taking it to "keep secret all matters...treated of in Council". The Oath (or solemn affirmation for those who cannot take an Oath) is still administered, and is still binding; but it is only in very special circumstances nowadays that matters will come to a Privy Counsellor on "Privy Council terms". These will mostly concern matters of the national interest where it is important for senior members of Opposition parties to have access to Government information.