Orders of the Day — Defence

Part of the debate – in the House of Commons at 12:00 am on 7 May 1975.

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Photo of Mr George Reid Mr George Reid , Stirlingshire East and Clackmannan 12:00, 7 May 1975

I hope that the hon. and learned Member for Colchester (Mr. Buck) will forgive me if I do not take up his detailed points. As a Scottish Nationalist determined to return to a sovereign Scots Parliament, I am naturally concerned with defence as it affects my own country.

Given the time limit which you have suggested, Mr. Deputy Speaker, I shall make just a few points quickly. Scotland overlooks what is still the most strategic stretch of water in the world—the Greenland, Iceland and Faroes Gap. It commands that gap and covers the Northern approaches to both America and Russia. Our waters are a forward deployment area of the Soviet Northern Fleet, based at Murmansk. Scotland is currently hoaching—to use the Scottish word—with military hardware. The discovery of significant offshore oil and gas, and the probability of mineral deposits, in what would be a war zone for NATO and Warsaw Pact forces, add to our concern. Should the Law of the Sea Conference decide on a 200-nautical-miles exclusive zone, the demands on our forces will be significantly increased.

It seems certain that over the next decade Scotland will see a substantial rise in defence activity rather than a decline. Within the last three months we have seen Soviet trawlers nosing around Amoco's 478 platform. These platforms are relatively open to military attack from the air by a single sneak bomber and from the sea by frogmen or direct torpedo attack. They are also subject to sabotage and terrorist activities, as are the land pipelines and other shore installations. Undoubtedly the new tropospheric scatter system of communication to the northern platforms, with their dovetailed shore stations, will also arouse Warsaw Pact interest and suspicion.

I should like to make two quick comments to the Minister. First, the provision for surveillance and interdiction in the offshore area is clearly beyond the means of the United Kingdom or Scotland alone. To that extent I welcome the February decision of the NATO Council to accept responsibility for the defence of the platforms in the North Sea in the event of a threat from a foreign Power.

Secondly, I wonder, despite the winding up speech by the Under-Secretary last night, whether the present proposals for the defence and security of the installations announced by the Minister in February are sufficient.

My party regards it as completely unrealistic that each platform should have a defence capability of its own. Who is co-ordinating the various activities of NATO, the Ministry of Defence, the Department of Energy, the Offshore Supplies Office, and the local police in this area?

Does the Minister suggest that the construction of five new ships, similar to those operated by the fisheries protection squadron, is sufficient? Does he not agree that what is currently being provided is a minimum response, no more than a patrol surveillance exercise, when a force is needed which can react at speed and have the best possible communications system? That implies the provision of helicopter-carrying frigates.

Members of the Scottish Assembly are certain to take more than a passing interest in such defence matters regardless of any strictures on them by the House. Apart from Scotland's strategic position and the 20,000 defence personnel stationed there, there is the matter of nuclear bases. My hon. Friends and I and Labour Members are opposed to the siting of nuclear bases in Scotland. The Government can speak for themselves. However, let me add one rider. While the nuclear members of NATO may not value Scotland's defence contribution to NATO quite so highly if nuclear facilities, including over-flight and transit facilities, are withdrawn, our position at the base of the northern gap gives us a powerful negotiating hand. Norway and Denmark have a non-nuclear relationship with NATO, and it is likely that this precedent will allow Scotland to make similar provisions for herself after independence.

I turn to the Scottish dimension, and the dilemma of any nationalist participating in a debate of this type While we are fully conscious of the need for collective Western defence, our concern is naturally more with the defence profile of countries of comparable population and GNP such as Finland, Norway, Denmark, Austria and New Zealand. An independent Scotland has three defence options—home defence on the Southern Irish model, armed neutrality similar to Finland and Austria, or an alliance partnership, such as that of Norway and Denmark.

Given Scotland's strategic position, the home defence model—spending only a minimal amount of our GNP is impractical. Armed neutrality would be both costly and inimical to our political traditions. My party is firmly committed to alliance partner status. Our Chairman has confirmed the almost certain adherence of an independent Scotland to NATO.

Given more time, I could have taken the House through the costings of an independent Scots defence budget. That has been done at considerable length. The thinking of my party, despite the giggles from certain Conservative Members, is based on six basic assumptions. First, an independent Scotland will participate in the Western alliance. Secondly, Scotland will be a non-nuclear Power, and no nuclear weapons will be stored on or allowed into Scottish territory. Thirdly, Scottish territory, including air and sea space, will be open to access by alliance partners, but no alliance partner will be permitted to engage in military operations from Scottish territory without the consent of the Scottish Government. Fourthly, the Scottish defence capability will be largely defensive and not offensive. Fifthly, Scotland will be a member of such international organisations as UNO, and will make available such military units as that body requests for peacekeeping operations. Sixthly, Scotland will be a member of the Commonwealth, and will have close defence links with England and pursue a good-neighbour policy with all countries of the British Isles.

The White Paper covers the next nine years. My hon. Friends and I confidently expect that within that period Scotland will regain her independence. While we wish the Minister every success in general in the meantime, our aims and objectives are so totally different from his and those of the hon. Member for Edinburgh, Central (Mr. Cook) that the SNP will have no possible course but to abstain from voting tonight.