Northern Ireland

Part of the debate – in the House of Commons at 12:00 am on 4 April 1974.

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Photo of Mr William Craig Mr William Craig , Belfast East 12:00, 4 April 1974

The Secretary of State would do well to have proper regard for the opinion of the majority in Northern Ireland. One hopes that a political settlement can be found that will bring the conflict to an end. I believe that the present proposals are more likely to hinder than to advance a settlement. Certainly no settlement can ever be reached on the basis of divided loyalties. If there is to be any lasting settlement of the conflict in Northern Ireland, there has to be a common loyalty and a common allegiance.

I do not think that it is impossible to find a basis for that common loyalty. I believe that we can create the conditions in Northern Ireland in which everybody's first loyalty will be to Ulster. I do not purport to speak for those who owe their allegiance to the Republic, but I do purport to speak for those who owe their allegiance to Her Majesty the Queen and to the United Kingdom. We are certainly willing to think of a basis upon which our loyalty would be to Ulster, a loyalty that would not sacrifice our British birthright.

In this day and age a great variety of constitutional relationships are open to us. We can think in terms of a federal relationship, a confederal relationship or simply a political entity. Many people have become adjusted to the idea of the European Community. We in Ulster would like people to think in terms of a community of the British Isles. It is in that direction that one can see some possibility of a political settlement.

What happens if we do not find a settlement that is acceptable right across the board? One cannot leave the situation as it is now, a situation of war. If such a settlement cannot be found, one that enjoys the widest degree of support is the next best alternative.

Clearly the majority in Northern Ireland sees that alternative as maintaining Ulster as an integral part of the United Kingdom, governed exactly as any other part of the United Kingdom. Indeed we say that it is the duty of this honourable House to ensure that we are governed exactly the same as other parts of the United Kingdom are, save that if one departs from those standards and systems the consent of the people concerned must be obtained for any change.

There is not the necessary consent for the Northern Ireland Constitution Act. There is not the necessary consent for the surrender of sovereignty to a Council of Ireland. In the absence of any agreement on an alternative, it is the duty of this House to preserve the territory of Her Majesty the Queen, the territory known as the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, and to govern on an equal and fair basis.

I was horrified when the Secretary of State apparently ruled out any possibility of increased representation for Ulster in this House, notwithstanding the fact that the Kilbrandon Report made such a recommendation. Every argument points to increased representation.

I was asked, what is the alternative? The alternative is to integrate Ulster into the United Kingdom unless an agreed form of devolution or an agreed form of federalism or any agreed form of independence is arrived at. It is our desire to bring this war to a speedy end, to see it brought to an end with the least possible bloodshed. I hope that those who are now in charge of our destiny will realise that they must do the job with the consent of the greatest possible majority. Present policies are alienating that majority.

I came to this honourable House freed of party tags in the acceptable British sense, resolving that I would take my decisions on what I thought to be the best interests of the United Kingdom. I would still like to be able to do so. If the present Government proceed to carry out the policies which have failed and the policies which have been refused the consent of the people in Northern Ireland, I shall have no alternative but to seek to bring this Government down at the earliest opportunity.

However, lest there be any misunderstanding I should not like the Conservatives to think that this means that my support would go to them, because if the Conservatives were to proceed with such policies I should with equal energy and determination seek to bring them down.