Anyone familiar with the history of Northern Ireland knows that perhaps the greatest burden, certainly over the last 200 years, has been that its people have been fed all too amply on that kind of word diet, that kind of alarmist language and that kind of extremist viewpoint. On the other hand, there has been a want of balanced presentations. That is what I am appealing to the hon. and gallant Gentleman to give now. He knows that I do not believe that I am wasting my time. In all sincerity I appeal to him and to the more thoughtful Unionists. I am directing my argument to the hon. and gallant Gentleman and to one or two of his colleagues. Most of them know that this is also the Majority view in this country. After noting Monday's proceedings in the House, and in view of the support received by the Prime Minister from all sides of the House as well as the reminder from my right hon. Friend the Member for Cardiff, South-East (Mr. Callaghan), even the less thoughtful Unionists can be in no doubt that the House of Commons will no longer tolerate any frustration of its will on Irish matters.

Such an Irish Council would in essence be bilateral, but it is plain that the British Government would have to be associated with it because of Whitehall's continuing responsibility for security and finance in the North. Also, with a view to improving policing throughout the island, the two Governments concerned will co-operate under the auspices of the Council of Ireland through their respective police authorities. No doubt time will show that satisfactory policing as well as the effective development of the economy of North and South and its management will be obtainable only through the new Council of Ireland, for both security and economy are indivisible.

Thus, the Sunningdale conference has created an all-Ireland institution. It will have modest beginnings. Its functioning is hedged in with all manner of safeguards for Unionists and for their position within the United Kingdom. The important thing is that it is an institution in which Irish men and women will, in a few weeks' time, be working together on matters of common interest. The Prime Minister was cautious when interviewed on television last Sunday evening about the council's future rôle. He confined himself to three matters—electricity generation, tourism and animal welfare. But those of us who have studied the communiqué have seen that the council will investigate through studies the best utilisation of scarce skills, expertise and resources. Secondly, in the best interests of the economy and of efficiency, it will try to avoid unnecessary duplication of effort. Thirdly, it will ensure complementary and not competitive effort where that is to the advantage of agriculture, commerce and industry. The council will go on to do many other things. It is unnecessary to list all of them. It will deal with conservation, development of natural resources and the environment. With that kind of remit, provided that the implementation is right and there is at least a minimum degree of good will, it must grow.

I raised this matter with the Prime Minister on Monday evening. I asked him whether he would assure the House that, other things being right, the Council of Ireland would have the capacity to grow and to evolve consistent with the freely-granted consent of the people, North and South.