I shall come to the cant and hypocrisy about moral obligations to the United Nations.

In the Yorkshire Post on 6th February there was a report that spare parts for Buccaneer aircraft, which were built in my constituency and supplied to South Africa some years ago, were not being supplied. If this is so, it is a direct contravention of what the Prime Minister promised in this House. It is also reported that spare parts for Centurion tanks were also being held up. The tanks were supplied to South Africa, in accordance with the undertaking that she would supply armoured forces in the Mediterranean area should the need arise.

I think that we have to examine in more detail the excuse for evading these moral obligations. In the past, under Conservative Governments, the policy adopted since 1954 was that we should not supply arms to South Africa which could be used for internal purposes, for example to quell civil disturbances. I am thinking of small arms, armoured cars, and so on. I think that that fulfilled our obligation to the United Nations. The Government felt that the defence of the South Atlantic was of vital importance to this country, and continued to supply weapons required by South Africa to maintain this security, but, on the advent of a Labour Government, they decided, in view of the Security Council Resolution of June, 1964, as announced by the Prime Minister on 17th November, 1964, that they would no longer supply arms or equipment to South Africa. At the time my right hon. Friend the Member for Kinross and West Perthshire (Sir Alec Douglas-Home) denounced this as an abrogation of the Simonstown Agreement. This was denied by the Prime Minister who went on to threaten the Prime Minister of South Africa, who was making rumbling noises at that time, that he could not unilaterally denounce the Simonstown Agreement because the Agreement could be denounced only after consultation between both sides, which is the argument the Malta Government are using today.

I warned the House at that time after the Prime Minister's statement that if we persisted in this policy we would not only lose the orders for supplying arms to South Africa, but that decision would affect our normal industrial trade. I hope to show the House that this prophecy is being fulfilled. What worries me more than this is the denunciation of the spirit in which the Agreement was signed. Apparently we can refuse to fulfil our moral obligations, yet we expect South Africa to fulfil hers. She has been extraordinarily co-operative. She has fought on our side in two wars and her ports were of immense value to this country during the Suez crisis. Although there has since been disagreement between us about the conduct of her internal affairs, she is still willing to co-operate with us in the revised Agreement.

What is the real reason for the renegotiation of the Agreement? I suggest that there are four possibilities. The first is the official reason given by the Government, which covers a multitude of sins—defence savings. The staff of the C.-in-C. consists of 14 officers and 50 ratings. Will the Minister tell us what the saving will he in hard cash, allowing for the loss of the intelligence facilities to which I have referred? Will he also tell the House what will be the total loss due to our refusal to supply arms to South Africa? Fighter aircraft are now being supplied by the French. As a result, the French are superintending the birth of the South African aircraft industry, which will be of immense importance in the future. Italy is supplying 200 training aircraft, and there are reports that the three submarines that we all knew would have been ordered from this country are now to be ordered from another European country. The value of that order is estimated to be about £40 million.

We have refused to supply Bloodhound and the Maritime Comet. This again is another illustration of the Government's guilty conscience. On 10th February, 1966, I asked why there was a refusal of an export licence for Maritime Comets to South Africa, and the answer was that no application had been made. The Government knows that the South African Government inquires privately whether an export licence is likely to be given, and if they are told "Yes" they at once formally start negotiations to place an order, but if they feel that they are going to leave themselves open to a public snub by a Government refusal they will not ask for an export licence. I suggest that the Government statement in reply to this Written Question underlines the extraordinary policy that the Government have adopted.

I should like to know what the total loss is to British industry. It may be as much as £150 million—just about equivalent to the amount that we are spending in our economic war against Rhodesia. Why should this situation exist? Is it because we dislike apartheid? If so, how can Bloodhound or submarines be used to enforce apartheid? The whole idea is ridiculous.

The second possible reason for this procedure by the Government is, however, that they wish to demonstrate their dislike of apartheid. Let us examine that possibility. They obviously feel that the African Commonwealth is of great importance. Indeed, when there was an exchange in the House at the time of the statement on the embargo of arms to South Africa, the Prime Minister, in reply to my right hon. Friend the Member for Kinross and West Perthshire, who had said that this announcement would have far-reaching implications, replied: Not to have made it"— that is, the announcement— would have had far-reaching implications for our relationships with and membership of the United Nations and for our relations with a large number of Commonwealth countries in Africa and elsewhere."—[OFFICIAL REPORT, 17th November, 1966; Vol. 702, c. 201.] In accordance with this general policy we are now offering Tanzania £7 million, in spite of the fact that they have cut off diplomatic relations with us, and £14 million to Zambia, who only last year suggested that we should be expelled from the Commonwealth.

I suggest that the Government are suffering from the disease of apartheid in reverse. They have already annoyed Canada, Australia and New Zealand because of their implementation of some of the provisions of the Commonwealth Immigrants Act in respect of citizens of those countries. The Government are conducting an economic war in Rhodesia and are about to create a situation in Malta which will create an unemployment rate of 18 per cent. These are all white countries of the Commonwealth.