Rhodesia

Part of Orders of the Day — Queen's Speech – in the House of Commons at 12:00 am on 12 November 1965.

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Photo of Mr Jo Grimond Mr Jo Grimond , Orkney and Shetland 12:00, 12 November 1965

With the permission of the House, I would intervene to say a few words on the subject of Rhodesia. The House will have been impressed by the speech we have just listened to by the hon. Gentleman the Member for Kettering (Sir G. de Freitas), and, of course, it would be as ridiculous to judge all black African Governments by the standards of the Congo as it would be to judge white Governments by the standards of Stalin's Russia or Hitler's Germany—and when it comes to violence it is hard for the white races to preach to the black races about their superiority in avoiding the use of violence in our generation.

We have heard a very full account both yesterday and today of the negotiations which have led up to U.D.I. We have reached this point that there is common agreement between the parties that the Government had no alternative but to give way no further and stand upon the five principles. Further, it is common between the parties that Mr. Smith and his colleagues are in rebellion. I do not believe that if the Secretary of State had spent a few more days in Rhodesia it would have made any difference whatever. As we were told yesterday, it is apparent that Mr. Smith took this act not because he was dissatisfied with the negotiations but because he was driven forward by his Cabinet and by the logic of events which he himself set in train.

But now every Member of this House is faced with a personal decision, and always when there is a state of rebellion these decisions are heartrending. That has been the history of all rebellions throughout all time. But we cannot avoid these decisions. The British people of late have been all too ready to bury their heads in the sand if they could find sand in which to do it, and they have been all too ready to refuse to face up to the consequences of the hard facts of the world around them.

We maintain that we are loyal to certain ideals, that we are loyal to the ideal of democracy, the ideal of a multi-racial community, and the rule of law. Are we in fact going to act up to those ideals? Or are we going to qualify them? Are we going to say, "Of course the black Africans can have majority rule in a country provided that there are not too many white people in that country"? Are we going to say, "Of course we support the rule of law, but not for our cousins"? It has never been the doctrine of British law, so far as I know, that we temper the law to our friends, our kith and kin. On the contrary, it has been one of the hard, fundamental principles of British law that everybody is treated equally under it.

The fact that the ex-Government of Rhodesia are of the same colour and of the same kinship as ourselves makes their action all the more shameful and all the more alarming. But it is apparent that in many quarters in this country they have considerable sympathy. I believe that this is a disturbing situation. The handling of this crisis by the British Government may well affect our standing and reputation in the world and in the Commonwealth, and may have deep-rooted results upon the temper of this country itself and the self-confidence of the British in their ability to conduct their affairs with sincerity and to stand up for those ideals which they profess.

I say quite firmly that I am in favour, if we have to take action, of taking short, sharp, effective action. Mr. Smith's Government are a rebel Government, and when we talk of what flows from an act of rebellion, serious consequences flow at common law from an act of rebellion, quite apart from what may happen after the introduction of Monday's Bill.

I reiterate that I believe the Archbishop was right to say that this was a moral issue and that he was also right to say that, in defence of the law and of morality, we cannot say the use of force would be wrong. I have never heard of Christians objecting to the use of force in such cases. But I heartily agree that force can only be the last resort which, though it cannot be ruled out, would add to the tragedy which we are witnessing, and would not by itself obtain any lasting solution in Rhodesia.

The Prime Minister has made it clear that the only event in which he contemplates the use of force is a state of internal chaos, but I would like the House to consider the position of those officials in Rhodesia who remain loyal to their oath. I feel deeply for them, and I should feel ashamed if, supposing a situation were to arise in which they have the chance to make good their loyalty, this country did not go to their aid. I do not believe anyone in this House would like to say that we have abandoned those who are loyal to the Queen. I trust that this will not arise, and I fully accept the great difficulty in giving advice to those people, but they must be very much in our minds.

When the Prime Minister intervened today, I do not think he made the matter much clearer. No one, we hope, will refuse to do something which is clearly contrary to his conscience and natural justice. If an official were ordered to enter a detention camp and to shoot the occupants it would be something which I feel an official should refuse to do, U.D.I, or no U.D.I. But the question is, how are they to conduct themselves given that there is a rebel authority in their land? Probably the most they can do is to say they must keep basic services going, but they certainly should not go beyond that if they can avoid it, and in the long run their duty is to try to restore sanity in that country.

The Government have chosen the way of sanctions. With this I agree, and I understand that, in principle, the Conservative Party agrees, too. Where there is some danger of disagreement is over the severity of the sanctions which are to be applied. I see no point whatever in applying ineffective sanctions. It would be much better to have no sanctions than to do that.

If it is asked what is the purpose of these sanctions, the purpose is to uphold the law and restore sanity. They are the method chosen by the Government and, in general, supported by the Conservative Party for the purpose of bringing the people of Rhodesia back to sanity and trying to get a reasonable government in that country.