Orders of the Day — Foreign Affairs

Part of the debate – in the House of Commons at 12:00 am on 16 December 1964.

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Photo of Mr Christopher Chataway Mr Christopher Chataway , Lewisham North 12:00, 16 December 1964

The hon. Gentleman thinks that I have not brought it with me, but if he were interested I would be very willing to read the entire article. It is headed "Aspects of Politics". It is dated 30th June, 1964— "Labour and Europe" by Francis Boyd: Why is it that Labour, which has long prided itself on its internationalism, should be so contemptuous of Western Europe? I do not know whether 20 words make a quotation where five do not. I assure the hon. Gentleman that the article was concerned to try to find an answer to this puzzle. It is not for me to give answers this evening, but I suspect that the answer is rooted in some of the anachronistic ideologies that swirl in the muddy depths of the Labour Party.

The Government must recognise that they have acquired this reputation particularly during the course of the Common Market negotiations. The present Prime Minister then distinguished himself as one of the most waspish, and, I think, one of the meanest critics of the European Common Market. He sneeringly referred to it on many occasions as "the rich man's club". He never talked of the agricultural system within the Common Market without referring to Schacht—Hitler's finance minister. It is very difficult, looking through the right hon. Gentleman's speeches on the subject, ever to find a mention by him of the agricultural system without a mention of Schacht. The right hon. Gentleman asked, in our debate on 8th November, 1962, whether, if we joined the Common Market, Krupps would be coming to take over our steel industry.

The Labour Party of that time stirred up many of the Commonwealth difficulties, particularly in relation to the African part of the Commonwealth, where they encouraged African Commonwealth members to reject the very generous offer of A.O.T. status that was made, and which most of those African countries are now seeking to negotiate for themselves. One could go on with these examples, but I am sure that it would be accepted by most right hon. and hon. Members that if the Government wish to be accepted in Europe, they have a great leeway to make up.

The argument today is not about joining the Common Market—that option is not, at the moment, open to Great Britain. The arguments for working and for hoping for future British membership of a European community are as strong today as they were strong then. But there is one opportunity open to this country, one European issue that is becoming very much alive, and that is the issue of European political union. I was delighted that my right hon. Friend the Member for Saffron Walden (Mr. R. A. Butler) gave to this issue such importance in his speech today. He urged on the House that it should be recognised that the attempt to reach political union in Europe was fundamental to so many other ambitions that are common to people in all parts of this House. Only today, the Common Market has finally reached agreement on cereal prices, and this will clearly mean an enormous amount in the development of the Common Market. It is likely that it will hasten the move towards European political union.

The Foreign Secretary, within four or five days of his taking office, briefed the Press, if one understands aright the reports of the diplomatic correspondents, to the effect that this Government like their predecessors, were anxious to take part in talks on political union. That has been confirmed by Government spokesmen on one or two subsequent occasions, but I must say that the impression in Europe is that the Government are paying no more than lip-service to the idea, and have no interest in the development of European political union.

I notice that that impression, which I find to be common in Europe, was confirmed by the Washington correspondent of The Times who, reporting last Monday, said: The talks between Mr. Wilson and President Johnson ranged far and wide, but appeared only rarely to touch upon political union in which Mr. Wilson did not seem to be much interested. I suggest that two of the most urgent priorities for this Government in their relations with European countries at the moment are these. First, they should make it abundantly clear that we want to take part in talks about European political union and that we really want to be members of such a union. The second is for the Government to do their best, and as soon as possible, to eliminate the impression created by their attitude during the Common Market negotiations.

The sooner the ridiculous five conditions are renounced the better. Clearly, so long as the party opposite rests its European policies on those five conditions it will be impossible for it ever to take part in any of the developments in Europe. If we are to see the growing sums that Europe spends in overseas aid used to their maximum advantage, there must be greater unity. If we are to see the ideas and ideals of Western Europe count for what they ought to count in the years to come, we cannot afford the present fragmentation between European states. The arguments both political and economic for a unified Europe are as strong today as they were two or three years ago.

One may hope that more and more people are coming to see that. I believe this is the case. Our relations with Europe are certainly relevant to the narrow purpose, with which we are primarily concerned today, the Government's professed desire to see a fairer distribution of power over the Atlantic deterrent. The Government will be enormously helped if they make it plain right from the start that they associate themselves with Europe, and that they recognise that Britain is and must be a part of Europe and not simply a satellite of the United States of America.