Orders of the Day — Security (MR. Profumo's Resignation)

Part of the debate – in the House of Commons at 12:00 am on 17 June 1963.

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Photo of Mr Harold Macmillan Mr Harold Macmillan , Bromley 12:00, 17 June 1963

As the right hon. Member for Huyton (Mr. H. Wilson) observed, this debate takes place in conditions which are wholly unprecedented. A great shock has been given to Parliament, and, indeed, to the whole country. On me, as head of the Administration, what has happened has inflicted a deep, bitter, and lasting wound. I do not remember in the whole of my life, or even in the political history of the past, a case of a Minister of the Crown who has told a deliberate lie to his wife, to his legal advisers and to his Ministerial colleagues, not once but over and over again, who has then repeated this lie to the House of Commons as a personal statement which, as the right hon. Gentleman reminded us, implies that it is privileged, and has subsequently taken legal action and recovered damages on the basis of a falsehood. This is almost unbelievable, but it is true.

Before I went away for my short holiday on 30th May, I felt pretty sure that this incident, as I knew it then, raised no serious security issues, and I shall explain why. Nevertheless, I had arranged for the Lord Chancellor to make an inquiry in circumstances about which the right hon. Gentleman has said something and about which I shall have more to say later. It was also my conviction that Mr. Profumo had not deceived me, his colleagues, or the House, but spoke the truth, and I was fortified in this belief by the successful action that he had taken.

On the fifth day of my holiday I was informed of the truth. Since we cannot now, I fear, put much confidence in anything that he has said, the problem of security is now enhanced, but, in addition, moral issues of the deepest kind are involved. For what greater moral crime can there be than to deceive those naturally inclined to trust one, those who have worked with one, served with one, and are one's colleagues?

The right hon. Gentleman has put a number of questions to me, and I can assure him and the House that they will be answered in the course of my speech, but I trust that hon. Members will allow me to deal with these points as they occur in the narrative which it is only right that I should give to the House. This is more convenient, though long I fear, and it is the proper way to deal with it. This means covering both the action I took before Mr. Profumo's statement and the action which I took to deal with any matters after it, but before his confession. However, there are certain aspects of this case to which I would first like to refer, as they affect myself.

In a period of Ministerial office which runs altogether to 17 years, and more especially during the last six years as Prime Minister, I have had to face, like all Ministers, grave and baffling difficul- ties. Sometimes, the House probably realises, looking back on their character, that they involved great strain and pressure, but these burdens were all bearable because, whatever the different point of view between both sides of the House, whatever the degree of political argument and conflict, whatever the international dangers involved, these have been questions of policy. This is different. I find it difficult to tell the House what a blow it has been to me, for it seems to have undermined one of the very foundations upon which political life must be conducted.

However, in recent days I have been trying to search my heart and conscience, and I have approached the matter in this way: there is the question of good faith; there is the question of justice, and there is the question of good judgment. I know that I have acted honourably; I believe that I have acted justly, and I hope that when it has heard my account the House will consider that I have acted with proper diligence and prudence.

Until my return from an official visit to Rome at the beginning of February, 1963, I had never heard of Mr. Ward. I only say this because I observe that it has been stated that I sat for a portrait for him. There is no reason why I should not have, but, in fact, I did not. I made inquiries, and found that he had done a sketch of me from the Strangers' Gallery, of course without my knowledge, and had written to my private office for permission to exhibit it, which was granted.

When I returned from Rome, I was informed by my Principal Private Secretary that a general manager of a national newspaper had come to Admiralty House on Friday, 1st February, 1963, and had thought it his duty to report in confidence that certain rumours were going about linking the name of a Miss Keeler with the Secretary of State for War and Captain Ivanov, a former member of the Russian Embassy in London.

My Principal Private Secretary at once transmitted this information to the deputy head of the security service with a view to my receiving a full report immediately on my return. My Principal Private Secretary also went to see the Secretary of State for War—I was away—the same afternoon, and told him of the story he had heard, and said that it was imperative that Mr. Profumo should come to see either me or my right hon. Friend the Chief Whip. I should tell the House that as soon as my Principal Private Secretary told Mr. Profumo of the rumours that were circulating he denied them in every important particular, in the same terms in which he subsequently made a statement in the House. That is to say, he admitted that he knew Miss Keeler, but emphatically denied that it was anything more than an innocent social friendship. He said that he had only met her, following their first meeting, at Lord Astor's house at Cliveden, at the house of a Mr. Stephen Ward.

Mr. Profumo said that he had broken off their acquaintanceship after a short time—right back, two years before—as a result of a warning that he had from Sir Norman Brook, then Secretary of the Cabinet, that Mr. Ward might possibly be a security risk by virtue of his friendship with Ivanov. The House will wish to know, and ought to know, exactly what this warning was, and why it was conveyed by Sir Norman Brook, as he then was, to the Secretary of State.

The security service had obtained information in 1961 that Ivanov was acquainted with Ward. As the House knows, in this period of cold war between East and West the circles in which certain diplomats—particularly members of the RussianElmbassy—move are always, and must be, a matter of general interest to our security service. It was in pursuit of its duty that the security service obtained information of this acquaintanceship, namely, that between Ivanov and Ward.

Of course, there is nothing wrong in British people meeting members of the Russian Embassy. On the contrary, in the long term there may even be some marginal effect for good upon the policies of the Soviet Government, and it would certainly be unfortunate if the only contact with diplomats from behind what we call the Iron Curtain countries was with dedicated Communists.

As it happens, Ivanov was first introduced to Mr. Ward by the editor of the Daily Telegraph, not privately but at a luncheon party at the Garrick Club. There was nothing abnormal or reprehensible in this introduction. It was a normal journalistic occasion, held in con- sequence of Ivanov's visit with a party of other foreign naval attachés to the Daily Telegraph office. Mr. Ward was included in the party because he was anxious to visit Moscow and to draw Soviet personalities from life. I mention it only because I feel that after all the rumours the House had better be told all the facts that I know.

This introduction took place in January, 1961,and was a normal contact of the ordinary kind. It was only when this was followed up by a somewhat closer acquaintance that the Security Service thought it advisable to see and to warn Mr. Ward. It did this on 8th June, 1961. Without attempting in any way to put any bar on his association with a member of the Russian Embassy it nevertheless thought it right to warn him of the need for caution in circumstances of this sort. Later, Mr. Ward spoke of Ivanov in such a way as to imply that he, Ward, could be helpful to British interests in his dealings with this official. He also mentioned casually that he happened to know the Secretary of State for War. This was on 12th July, 1961.

In view of this statement by Mr. Ward that he knew Mr. Profumo the head of the security service thought it right to tell Sir Norman Brook that it would be advisable that Mr. Profumo should be warned about this connection. The warning was of a possible security risk. The risk was that if Mr. Profumo did know Mr. Ward he knew a man whom they knew was friendly with a member of the Russian Embassy. There might be nothing in this. It was, in any case, a risk at one remove, but, still, it was a risk, however remote.

I will now tell the House what happened after that. Sir Norman Brook called to see Mr. Profumo on 9th August, 1961, and gave him this information and this warning. Mr. Profumo was warned then about the possibility of danger by virtue of his friendship with a man who was thought to be rather friendly with Ivanov. Neither the security service nor Sir Norman Brook had ever heard of Miss Keeler, or about the things that have now been revealed, or—I must be careful; they are sub judice—which seem to have been revealed in the Ward household. They knew nothing whatever about them.

The only point was that here was a man, first introduced by the editor of the Daily Telegraphof whom he had made a friend, and he was warned, as a Minister, that this was the kind of man that he should be careful about, and ought not to see, or to see as little as possible. Neither Sir Norman Brook nor the security services knew of any other circumstances except exactly what I have said.

Mr. Profumo told us later that as a result of this warning he immediately discontinued his friendship with Mr. Ward and paid no more visits to his house. I must at this point draw the attention of the House to a difficulty about dates in this period. In his personal statement Mr. Profumo said that he last saw Miss Keeler in December, 1961, and had not seen her since. I have told the House that Sir Norman Brook warned Mr. Profumo on 9th August, 1961—warned him not about Miss Keeler, of whom he knew nothing, but of Mr. Ward. Nevertheless, as we know, the two associations were linked. But that was not then known.

Mr. Profumo subsequently said that he was mistaken in saying that he last saw Miss Keeler in December, 1961. He said that he remembered that he had received the warning from Sir Norman Brook about Mr. Ward at the beginning of a Parliamentary Recess—he thought that it was the Christmas Recess—and he knew that he had written to Miss Keeler on the same day that he was warned about Mr. Ward. There is no doubt at all—for this is all recorded in the proper minutes—that the warning was given on 9th August, 1961. This, as we now know, was the date of the letter breaking an arrangement to meet Miss Keeler—9th August, 1961.

I must tell the House that Sir Norman Brook did not inform me either of the fact that he had received this information from the head of the security service, or that he had thought it his duty to speak a warning word about Mr. Ward's friendship with Ivanov. He did not tell me. I have since consulted him and he is perfectly sure, in the minute he is perfectly certain, that his recollection is that he did not tell me.

I do not complain of it. I merely state the fact that the minute that Sir Norman recorded makes no reference to his having informed me. He himself is in no doubt that he did not think it necessary to make any reference to me. I mention this at some length because one of the allegations which I have seen freely stated in the Press and elsewhere is that I knew of Mr. Profumo's association with Mr. Ward as long ago as August 1961, and I did nothing about it. This is the first charge of dilatoriness of duty that has been brought against me and it is completely untrue.

I must emphasise that while there was some undesirability, or even, if hon. members like, a security risk, there is no evidence whatever of any breach of security. None of the authorities concerned knew at the date of the warning of Mr. Profumo's acquaintance with Miss Keeler. Indeed, as I shall tell the House, none of them knew of it until the end of January, 1963. There is of course, unfortunately, under modern conditions, where so much is known of the ways in which private weaknesses can be played upon, a wide range of behaviour which is properly a matter of security. The right hon. Gentleman has referred to it. But if the private lives of Ministers and of senior officials are to be the subject of continual supervision day and night, then all I can say is that we shall have a society very different from this one and, I venture to suggest, more open to abuse and tyranny than would justify any possible gain to security in the ordinary sense.

Moreover, the security services have not the resources to watch the houses of all citizens who number Russians among their acquaintances, and even though supervision of this kind were to be confined to those who are known to have personal acquaintanceships with members of the Russian and other Eastern European embassies in London the task would still be quite beyond the resources of the security services. In fact, it would be necessary to recruit an enormous army of invigilators, and that, I am persuaded, is not right, or the answer.

I have gone into this at some length because the matter was raised by the right hon. Gentleman, and I have seen it suggested in the Press that the security authorities were keeping a perpetual watch on Mr. Ward's house; that they saw Mr. Profumo enter and leave the house; that they saw Ivanov enter and leave the house and that these events were reported to me at the time. None of this is true. They did not keep this watch and they did not report to me during any of this period any of these things.

Now I ought to return to the main narrative. I told the House of the first information received in my office in February of this year of events which had occurred in the summer of 1961. If I may remind the House, my principal Private Secretary saw Mr. Profumo in February. He denied any impropriety, and my Principal Private Secretary told him that he must report either to me or to my right hon. Friend the Chief Whip on the full facts. In the event, Mr. Profumo, who had talked to the head of the security service, and both the Law Officers of the Crown, saw my right hon. Friend the Chief Whip. He was questioned closely. To all of them he confidently and emphatically denied the rumours in all and every important particular and protested that there had been no impropriety in his association with Miss Keeler.

I must tell the House—this answers another question—that while maintaining his innocence, Mr. Profumo asked the Chief Whip whether he ought to resign, in view of the rumours about him. The Chief Whip, rightly, replied that if the rumours had any foundation, of course he must resign. But, if not, there was no reason to do so. It may be asked why I did not question Mr. Profumo myself. I think that that is an extremely fair question and I will tell the House why. I did not do so for two reasons. First, I thought he would have spoken more freely to the Chief Whip and the Law Officers than to me, his political chief. Secondly, for me personally to carry out an examination of this kind, in the probing detail necessary, would have made it difficult, if not impossible, for him to feel in future, however innocent he might have been, that he enjoyed my confidence.

The situation which then confronted me was that damaging and scurrilous rumours were circulating about a member of the Government which he solemnly and consistently, and on more than one occasion, denied. I could have asked for his resignation, and now I come to the second point at issue. In thinking about it, I thought that it would have been unjust. There had been no public attack upon him. There was not known then in public any ground for lack of confidence in his integrity and his earnest assurance. I must confess frankly to the House that in considering what I should do the Vassall case, and the effect which it had upon my hon. Friend the Member for Glasgow, Hillhead (Mr. Galbraith), the present Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Transport, was certainly in my mind. I have been reproached for accepting the resignation of my hon. Friend, when I did, when rather similar rumours were circulating and when nothing was specifically stated but only hinted at. Indeed, I told him at the time that I believed that in the long run his resignation might help him, but would not help me.

In that case, and again in the circumstances presented to me at this stage, I was anxious to avoid any injustice. I would ask hon. Members: supposing I had required Mr. Profumo's resignation and thereafter he had issued writs for libel—which, in fact, he did do—and had been successful—which, in fact, he was—that would have created the feeling that an innocent man had been unjustly treated by me. Quite apart from any personal considerations, the belief that any individuals innocent of any offence or misdemeanour could be victimised and their careers ended merely on the basis of rumour, which is subsequently shown by the judgment of the courts to be without foundation, would have a profoundly damaging effect upon the whole of political life.

There is, of course, always the temptation—the right hon. Gentleman has accused me—of dilatoriness and of wanting to save trouble. Of course, one way to save trouble would have been to demand Mr. Profumo's resignation. But I think that to have done so would have been an act of injustice. Ministers in the Vassall case—the right hon. Gentleman talked of the Vassall "scandal", but there was no scandal affecting Ministers except in the rumours, which were terrible—were made the subject of rumours, accusations and innuendoes which were, in fact, shown to be absolutely untrue, and I think that it would have been quite unjust if, having seen recently what harm rumour could do, I had, merely for my own comfort, insisted on a resignation at this stage.

Of course, it was most desirable that these rumours—which were brought to me in great detail by my right hon. Friend the Chief Whip, but which had not been published in the national Press or in any similar organ—should be dealt with. It would be specially desirable that rumours involving a Minister should be dealt with in the House of Commons, from which Governments of whatever character, individually and collectively, draw their support.

Hon. Members with long experience of the House will realise the difficulty of anything in the nature of a personal statement denying rumours which are merely circulating in private circles by word of mouth. Some, though not all, hon. Members may have seen a broadsheet called Westminster Confidential, published by Parliamentary Profile Service Ltd., of which the director is a certain Mr. Roth. The issue of this broadsheet which appeared on 8th March contained some allegations about Mr. Profumo and this was brought to my attention. I consulted my right hon. and learned Friend the Attorney-General. His view was that the limited circulation and the general character of this publication did not afford adequate grounds for the issue of a writ for libel by a Minister and that this was not the occasion for which we were looking. We wanted an occasion, Mr. Profumo having said this over and over again to us, to protest and prove his innocence.

On 15th March a national newspaper printed an article on its front page about his resignation. Again, I consulted the Attorney-General and accepted his advice that there was nothing in this article which was libellous. But in the debate on the Consolidated Fund Bill, on 21st March, the hon. Member for Dudley (Mr. Wigg), the hon. Lady the Member for Blackburn (Mrs. Castle) and the hon. Member for Coventry, East (Mr. Crossman) all gave public expression in the House to at least some of the rumours which were circulating.

Here then, at last, was an opportunity to nail the rumours, and nail them at once without the inevitable delay following the issue of a writ of libel. These allegations were made, I think, at a lateish hour, when I had gone home, and, I think, gone to bed. I was told of them over the telephone and readily agreed with a suggestion that Mr. Profumo should now prepare a personal statement. It had to be done that night because next day was Friday and it had to be made as soon as possible, and, therefore, at eleven o'clock in the morning instead of 3.30 p.m. as is usual.

Accordingly, Mr. Profumo arranged for his solicitor to go to the House of Commons in order to make quite certain, as he was to make the statement, that it should be correct in every particular—[Laughter.]—as we then believed, as I think we all believed. That was the real belief. There were present my right hon. Friend the Leader of the House, the Minister without Portfolio, the Chief Whip, the Attorney-General and the Solicitor-General, Mr. Profumo and his solicitor—a man, by the way of great experience and, I understand, a member of a firm of high repute.

Much has been made in the Press about this meeting and hon. Members may ask why other Ministers should be concerned in a personal statement by one of their colleagues. The answer is because the Secretary of State was one of our colleagues and accusations had been made against him as a Minister as well as a man. It was essential that they should satisfy themselves that the statement should be unequivocal and should leave no room for criticism that any of the allegations had been smoothed over, or evaded. This they did. They were satisfied with his account, which was the same that he had given on all previous occasions.

There have been Press reports that at this meeting all those present had a copy of the letter which Mr. Profumo sent to Miss Keeler and which has since been published. That is not true. All those present knew of the existence of the letter, but they could not read it because it was in the possession of the recipient or of a newspaper if she had by then given it to them. Certainly, Mr. Profumo had not got it, or a copy.

The knowledge that his letter might be published at any moment—that is the important point—made my colleagues feel confident that Mr. Profumo could hardly dare to give a misleading account of the contents of this letter. Here, I should tell the House that the Ministers did not know the contents. They were aware, and I was made aware that the letter began with the word "Darling". This was volunteered by Mr. Profumo, who explained that in circles in which he and his wife moved it was a term of no great significance. [Laughter.] I believe that that might be accepted—I do not live among young people much myself.

My right hon. Friends were satisfied, in the face of repeated assurances of a man who, after all, was one of their colleagues, and fortified by the certainty that any falsity in his public account must, in the long run, be exposed—as, indeed, it has been—and awaited with confidence the statement which would be made in the morning. All this was reported to me. I had a copy of the statement at 9.30 the following morning. Looking at it—and I knew that it had been examined by a number of senior colleagues and two skilful lawyers—I had in mind that it was a personal statement made in accordance with the conventions of this House which, as we all know, must be accepted without question or debate. Above all, the statement ended with the confident ring that should such allegations be repeated outside the House they would be made the subject of legal action.

I could not believe that a man would be so foolish, even if so wicked, not only to lie to colleagues in the House but be prepared to issue a writ in respect of a libel which he must know to be true. So any doubts I may have had were removed. I thought it right to come to the House, and I do not reproach myself for that, to sit beside a colleague of my Administration while he made a personal statement refuting the damaging and scandalous remarks made about him.