Service Pay and Allowances

Part of the debate – in the House of Commons at on 10 September 1942.

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Photo of Sir Frank Medlicott Sir Frank Medlicott , Norfolk Eastern

I still feel that that suggestion raises some complexities. I doubt whether any useful purpose would be served by even comparing the rates any more than has been done up to the present time. I feel that we ought to settle this problem as a national problem of our own without necessarily being influenced by what is being paid by other Governments. In regard to the post-war Army it is clear that our policy after this war must involve the upkeep of a large Navy, Army and Air Force. The problem of recruiting for these Forces—even if there is to be, as many of us hope, a measure of universal service—will be a grave one and we shall have to be prepared to face up to the payment of very much more attractive amounts of remuneration than have been paid in peace time in the past. If we have difficulty in paying better rates while we are in the midst of war, how much more difficult will it be to maintain those rates when the immediate risk of warfare has disappeared? I am bound to say that in the rates of pay which are applicable to the Fighting Forces to-day there is nothing very heroic. There is nothing of which we have great reason to be very proud.

Sometimes one hears arguments over sixpences and allowances of a very minor character and of small detail. One heard to-day the extremely disturbing correspondence about the provision of clothes and other items for a maternity case. We ought to take this whole question on to a far higher level and pay our men sums which are more worthy of them and of us. The point is sometimes made that we are all in the front line and that there is not quite the same case to be made out in respect of the pay of the fighting men, who, at one time, alone, bore the burden of warfare. I suggest there is a fallacy in that argument. It is true that we are all, in this country, exposed to the risks of air-raids but surely every fighting man on active service is exposed to those risks over and above all the other hazards of warfare. Great events are impending, and while there is at present a comparative lull in fighting activity, and we have in this country a large number of men who are not apparently engaged in hazardous occupations as fighting men, their time will come. When the mounting list of casualties comes to our notice we may feel that we have not been very worthy in the matter of their remuneration.

Making all allowances for the importance of the home front the fact is that while Civil Defence workers and the civil population, by sticking it, can avoid defeat, it is only our fighting men who can secure victory and we must bear that in mind in any consideration of the problem. The British fighting man has never fought in proportion to the amount of his remuneration and it is well for the British Empire that that is so. But I suggest, as I said in my opening remarks, that the very fact that the fighting man does not ask for greater rewards, that by his training and sense of loyalty he leaves it to us to secure what is just and equitable and the fact that we know that when the time comes he will give up his health, his freedom and even life itself with the fullest measure of devotion, leaves this House under a solemn obligation to pursue this matter of pay and allowances much further than it has done up to the present and to ensure that the remuneration which we guarantee to those who are defending this country shall be more worthy of the sacrifices they are willing to make.