Assistance to Greece.

Part of War Situation. – in the House of Commons at on 6 May 1941.

Alert me about debates like this

Photo of Mr Maurice Petherick Mr Maurice Petherick , Penryn and Falmouth

I am sure the House will wish me to express its thanks and congratulations to the hon. Member for Queen's University, Belfast (Professor Savory). He referred at the beginning of his very eloquent speech to the fact that he was going to speak without notes. The ability to do that in the House of Commons in a maiden speech is something which we must all admire. I feel very much less confidence myself than the hon. Member showed. I feel that I am almost making a maiden speech again, since I have not endeavoured for so long, Sir, to catch your eye. I agree with almost every word that the hon. Member said. Since October, 1918, I have believed that the two most disastrous mistakes that were made were, stopping the war two or three months too early and doing away with conscription when the war was over. I would, however, join issue with the hon. Member in regard to the Rhineland. It is true that M. Sarraut refused to grant general mobilisation and that the French Army, as I have always understood, would not march into the Rhineland unless general mobilisation was granted. Many people here felt powerfully moved on this subject. I have always felt that the decision that the Government came to was the only possible one. You cannot go to war— and it would have meant going to war— unless you have a very great majority of your people behind you. Since last July life— or perhaps I should say, death— has not been without its interest; but we should not lose our sense of perspective. The happenings of the last few months, sad as they have been, must be viewed in their relation to history as a whole; and when the history of the war comes to be written they will occupy an important part, I am sure, in the history. The scope of the Debate to day is almost limitless, and one is inclined either to become entangled in a labyrinth of detail or to wander over a wide desert of generalities. Therefore, I propose to confine my remarks to specific matters. There is a temptation, particularly if one has not had the opportunity to be in the House of Commons for some time, to bring forward every kind of grievance which one has heard, and to dish up every kind of hearsay horror with which one has been plagued. This is a Vote of Confidence; and, in my opinion, we can-, not refuse to grant such a Vote to the Government at the present time. Even if some of us may not be happy over all the Government's activities, we must believe in them, and give them every opportunity to carry on.

In war the powers of the Executive are enormously and necessarily great. We have to put up with every kind of interference in our private lives which we would not normally be willing to endure in peace-time. We have to give to the Government a great deal more confidence than we would ever think of doing in normal times. We must expect from the Government, and from any Government in war-time, many sins of omission and commission, but that does not mean that criticism, though it is very much less in the House of Commons, is necessarily completely stilled. But there is always the difficulty with which the private Member is faced that in indulging in criticism he might succour and help the King's enemies. Some of us felt, therefore, that, important as the functions of the House of Commons are in war-time, we would perhaps be better occupied in leaving these benches and joining the Army. But let not the Government feel that because many Members have been absent, they are all completely happy about the present situation and about all the activities of the Government. Let them not think that, because criticism is to a large extent absents feeling is necessarily less strong. I believe that there is in this Government, as in many other Governments, too much tendency to say, "We are not quite perfect, but we all of us think that we can carry on so much better than anybody else can do." The House of Commons should not be prevented from expressing its criticism and doubts, not about the Government as a whole, but about individual Ministers.

There is one particular point with which I would like to deal, and it is one that I have often raised in this House and in dealing with Ministers, and that is, the question of enemy aliens. I believe that the weakness that has been shown since the war in dealing with this question, this false confidence, may lead to very dangerous results. It is so easy for an alien to say very loudly that he is anti-Nazi, that his daughter has been insulted by a Gauleiter or something of that kind, to express extraordinary devotion to the British cause, and to point to the fact that he is the victim of Nazi persecution, which he might be. But, on the other hand, he might, not. The results of the happenings on the Continent of Europe and of the incredible weaknesses of the Ministers of the Interior in some of these countries have been shown up after these countries have been invaded. I see that the Home Secretary is not in his place, but, if he were, I dare say that he would point to the fact that there has been no sabotage in this country to speak of since the war started. But if there are, as I believe there are, enemy aliens, and possibly others, who are waiting to commit sabotage, they will not start to do so until the invasion of this country has begun. I believe that the complacency of the Home Office, not only since the war, but before the war, can only be equaled by that of many Ministers of the Interior in Norway, Denmark, Holland, Belgium, Poland and France, from which our Home Office appears to have learned absolutely nothing.