Palestine.

Part of the debate – in the House of Commons at on 24 November 1938.

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Photo of Sir Archibald Sinclair Sir Archibald Sinclair , Caithness and Sutherland

From the attitude of some members of the administration—I do not think it makes the slightest difference—the Arabs gained the impression that the administration was not sincere in carrying out the Mandate.

I am sorry that the hon. Member interrupted me at that point, because I was moving to another branch of the subject, and was just turning my back on those unhappy pages, which I do not want to discuss at length; I hope we are making a fresh start. I was saying that we have before us a new Secretary of State, who comes to his very difficult task with a high reputation. We all appreciate his great qualities and his sincerity, and we wish him well; and I am sure that, although we may not succeed, we all want to strengthen his hand in the task he has undertaken. I agree with the hon. Member for Cambridge University (Mr. Pickthorn) that our main preoccupation must be the welfare and prosperity of Palestine as a whole. No one who reads the Woodhead Report can doubt that the prosperity of the country in general, and of the Arabs in particular, is bound up with the successful continuation of the great experiment of the Jewish National Home.

The Secretary of State, in his opening speech, said that the Arabs are afraid of being dominated by this newcoming people. It is, however, no oppressed and impoverished country that we are discussing this afternoon, and it really is not sufficient for us merely to say that the Arabs are fearful; we must also discuss what are the grounds for their fears. How far is the fear of being overwhelmed by an inrush of Jewish immigrants justified? The figures given in the Woodhead Report are most impressive. The total population of the country has been doubled since 1919; it has increased from 700,000 to 1,400,000, at which figure it stood in the middle of 1938. The total Arab increase during that time has been 355,000 by natural means, and 35,000 by immigration, or a total Arab increase of 390,000, whereas the Jews have only increased by 310,000. Let us not, therefore, argue this case on the supposition that the Jews are crowding into the country and pushing the Arabs out of it. The very reverse is the case. The Arab population is increasing faster than the Jewish population. It is important to consider to what this increase of population is due. Is it happening in all the Arab countries? Are all the Arab countries showing similar increases of population and prosperity? Not at all; the only country in which it is happening is Palestine, and the fact that it is happening there, while it is due, no doubt, partly to British administration—I think we can rightly claim for this country some share of the credit—is without doubt mainly due to Jewish immigration, to the influx of Jewish capital, and the increase by the Jews of taxable values, which no doubt the British administration has used for the benefit of the Arab as well as of the Jewish population. The Woodhead Report, dealing with these points, says: We thus have the Arab population reflecting simultaneously two widely different tendencies—a birth-rate characteristic of peasant community … and a death-rate which could only be brought about under an enlightened modern administration, with both the will and the necessary funds at its disposal to enable it to serve a population unable to help itself. It is indeed an ironic commentary on the working of the Mandate, and perhaps on the science of government, that this result, which so far from encouraging has almost certainly hindered close settlement by Jews on the land, could scarcely have been brought about except through the appropriation of tax-revenue contributed by the Jews. It goes on to say, on the following page: That the Arabs' standard of living is higher than before the War is, we think, certain''; and after some further arguments they say that three conclusions follow: (i) First, that if the sources of present supplementary employment are cut off, even partially, the consequences for the Arabs affected will be serious. Let us remember this that if we are going to cut down Jewish immigration it is not only the Jews who will suffer. The Arabs will suffer as well. (ii) Secondly, that if the Arab rural population continues to increase at its present rate, the demand for such supplementary employment, and even the pressure to leave the land and seek for whole-time employment in the towns, will be intensified—quite apart from any further acquisition of land by the Jews. (iii) And thirdly, that since such employment can only be provided by capital, and, with few exceptions, capital is only likely to be invested in Palestine by Jews, the future for the Arab population is already menacing—unless Jewish immigration and Jewish imports of capital are allowed to continue. The prosperity not only of the Jews, but of the Arabs, depends on the continuance of Jewish immigration and Jewish imports of capital. And finally—the last section I will read to the House: So far as concerns non-agricultural settlement, it would seem that economic conditions in Palestine are by now so closely bound up with Jewish immigration, both actual and prospective, that the Arabs in Palestine would be faced with the prospect of greater economic hardship if Jewish immigration should be completely closed down than they would be even if it should be allowed to continue. Let me only add to these reflections which are contained in the report the question of the effect on the life of the Arab people of the insurrection that has been going on, and the impoverishment it has caused. It has resulted in the rich people going to live in other countries, and selling their estates or mortgaging them. Consider the impoverishment in the villages, where the Arab bands are plundering the villages, taking food, transport and men, and destroying property. After these troubles are over there will be a greater need than ever, in the interests of the Arab people, for an influx of capital. Does the hon. Member for Cambridge University (Mr. Pickthorn) or any other hon. Member suggest that the British Government should provide that capital? No! Therefore, in the interests of the Arabs it is vital that the Jewish immigration and influx of capital should continue.

The right hon. Gentleman, in the speech with which he opened the Debate, told us of his plans for the conference. He said he hoped that it would start quickly and that it would end in a settlement. Those hopes we all share; and we wish it well. But he said—and to this part of his speech I could not help holding an objection—that it would be open to all parties to the conference to offer arguments as to whether the Mandate should be changed. In that case is the conference fairly constituted? The Jews and Arabs are to be there. That is obviously right, but the neighbouring Arab States are also to be represented. In that case ought not other people to be there? The hon. Member for Cambridge University demurred strongly to external influences being brought to bear on the internal administration of Colonial territories; but, in spite of that, he did not say whether he approved of the presence of representatives of the Arab States.