Orders of the Day — Subversive Propaganda.

Part of the debate – in the House of Commons at on 21 April 1926.

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Photo of Sir Henry Slesser Sir Henry Slesser , Leeds South East

I understand that a similar Resolution has been in contemplation for some time, but whether it is the same Resolution or not, the fact is the harm that it can do is very considerable. It is really a reflection—I think an undeserved reflection—on the capacity of the Home Secretary. The suggestion of this Resolution, if it means anything, is that the Home Secretary, the Attorney-General and the very competent officials and authorities who assist them in their work, need stiffening up in some way in regard to the inactivity or activity which they pursue. Therefore, I think the Home Secretary can regard this Resolution, if it means anything at all, as a vote of censure on himself. What are the facts of the case?

The Home Secretary has, we may assume, in his possession far more information about this alleged Bolshevik danger than the hon. and gallant Member for Aylesbury (Sir A. Burgoyne). The Attorney-General is far more competent to decide whether a particular prosecution should be entered upon than is the hon. and gallant Member. These right hon. Gentlemen, in their wisdom, have not seen fit since they took action in a certain case—the merits or demerits of which I do not propose to discuss to-night—to take any further action. When the Home Secretary does take such action, no doubt he will be criticised by some people—possibly correctly or incorrectly—but I am quite sure that he will be able to justify himself. But what the. House may fairly object to is that the hand of the Home Office should be forced by the hon. and gallant Member or by any Member merely on the ground of certain tittle-tattle of a species which is several years old and which has no direct reference to anything which is happening at the present time.

There is another objection to the sort of attitude which the hon. and gallant Member is taking. There is nothing more important, when the Attorney-General has to decide whether he will embark on a particular prosecution or not, than that he should be free in that matter and that he should not be fettered by any opinion of any hon. Gentleman as expressed in this House. Surely the hon. and gallant Member has sufficient confidence in his own leaders to let them decide whether there is a Bolshevik peril, and how they should act. If the hon. and gallant Member says:"I do riot complain of any administrative act here, but I do say that the law should be strengthened," meaning, I suppose that the Government are at fault because they have not introduced further legislation to deal with this terrible matter, then again I would point out that, as most persons who are familiar with this subject know, the present common law of this country dealing with sedition is amply sufficient for any case which may need correction in any Court of Law, and this really does resolve itself into a mere idle clamour on the part of the hon. and gallant Member. I hesitate to think that the hon. and gallant Member has moved this Resolution for political purposes. I am sure that he is only actuated by a sense of the public good, and I am endeavouring to point out to him that, so far from promoting the public good by raising these scares and agitations, he is really doing a very considerable public disservice. What is really the situation today? We have a population, much which unfortunately is very poor, many people are unemployed, but a population which I think the hon. and gallant Member will agree never was more peaceably disposed, never was more loyal, never was more quite satisfied with constitutional Government. than the people of this country at the present time.